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Maid of France 

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A MONK OF FIFE: A Story of the Days 
of Joan of Arc. With 13 Illustrations by Selwyn 
Image. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. 

ADVOCATE (Bluidy Mackenzie), 1636-1691. 
With Portraits. 8vo, 15s. net. 

THE YOUNG CHEVALIER. With Photogravure 
Frontispiece. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. net. 


With Photogravure Plate and 15 other Illustrations. 
Crown 8vo, 6s. 6d. net. 


A. Shield and Andrew Lang. With 4 Portraits 
and 3 other Illustrations. 8vo, 15s. net. 



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Maid of France 











Jeanne d'Arc, during her nineteen years of life, was a cause 
of contention among her own countrymen, and her memory 
divides them to the present day. In her life she was of course 
detested as a witch and heretic by the French of the Burgundian 
faction. After her death, her memory was distasteful to all 
writers who disbelieved in her supernormal faculties, and in her in- 
spiration. She had no business to possess faculties for which science 
could not account, and which common sense could not accept. 

To-day, the quarrel over her character and career is especially 
bitter. If the Church canonises her, the Church is said, by the 
" Anticlericals," to " confiscate " her, and to stultify itself. Her 
courage and her goodness of heart are denied by no man, but, 
as a set-off against the praises of the " clericals," and even of 
historians far from orthodox, her genius is denied, or is minimised ; 
she is represented as a martyr, a heroine, a puzzle-pated hallu- 
cinated lass, a perplexed wanderer in a realm of dreams ; the 
unconscious tool of fraudulent priests, herself once doubtfully 
honest, apt to tell great palpable myths to her own glorification, 
never a leader in war, but only a kind of mascotte, a " little 
saint," and a btguine — in breeches ! 

It has appeared to me that all these inconsistent views of the 
Maid, and several charges against her best friends, are mainly 
based on erroneous readings of the copious evidence concerning 
her; on mistakes in the translating of the very bad Latin of 
the documents, and, generally, are distorted by a false his- 
torical perspective, if not h$. an unconscious hostility, into the 
grounds of which we need not inquire. I have therefore written 


this book in the hope that grave errors, as I deem them, may 
be corrected ; and also because, as far as I am aware, no British 
author has yet attempted^q. write a critical biography of the 
Maid. Of course, there no' longer remains, in England, a shadow 
of prejudice against the stainless heroine and martyr. It has 
pleased the Chanoine Dunarud, however, in his long biography 
of La Vraie Jeanne tfArc, and in his learned but prolix series 
of Etudes Critiques, to speak of " the English," and the " Franco- 
English " schools of History. Masters and disciples in these 
schools, it appears, are apt to defend the regularity and the 
legality of her trial in 143 1, and to deny to her the possession 
of " heroic " virtues. 

The English masters of history who do this thing are not 
named by the Chanoine Dunand. It is, indeed, easy to show 
that, in the age of the Maid, and later, England had practi- 
cally no historian, no contemporary chronicler. When Fabyan, 
Holinshed, and Polydore Virgil, a century later, wrote concerning 
Jeanne d'Arc, they drew their information, not from our archives 
(which are mute, save for one allusion to Jeanne), nor from 
English chroniclers contemporary with the Maid (for there is but 
a page of Caxton, written fifty years after date), not from the 
Proces of the Trial of Condemnation and the Trial of Rehabilita- 
tion, but from the French chroniclers of the Burgundian party, 
such as Monstrelet ; and from later antipathetic French historians, 
like du Haillan. The Elizabethan historians were, of course, 
full of hostile national prejudice, they neglected the French 
chroniclers of her own party — if these were accessible to them — 
and the result was the perplexity, the chaotic uncertainty about 
the Maid, which is so conspicuous in the dubiously Shakespearean 
play, Henry VI, Part I, and is confessed in the remarks of the 
jocular Thomas Fuller, as late as 1642. 

But, in the middle of the eighteenth century, David Hume, 
in the spirit of the Scottish chroniclers who were contemporaries 
of the Maid, fully recognised the nobility of her character, and 
the iniquity of her condemnation. Though Hume was no English- 



man, his History was widely read in England, and from his day 
onwards, perhaps Dr. Lingard, a Catholic, has been alone in 
taking an unworthy view of Jeanne d'Arc. 

j In 1790 appeared the books of Francois de L'Averdy on the 
manuscript records of the two trials. Henceforth the facts were 
accessible, and Jeanne dArc inspired both Coleridge and Southey 
with poems in her honour ; to be sure the inspiration did not 
result in anything worthy of her greatness. From that period 
it would be difficult to find any English historian who has 
applauded the regularity, or palliated the illegalities, of her 
condemnation, or who, save Lingard, has failed to recognise 
her heroism. But authors of general histories of England can 
give but limited space to the glorious Maid who emancipated 
France ; and while America has a critical and valuable Life of 
Joan of Arc, — that by Mr. Francis Lowell, — England has none 
that is critical and complete, and informed by documents brought 
to light since the time when Jules Quicherat published the five 
volumes entitled Proces de Jeanne d'Arc (1 840-1 850). We 
have, indeed, the short but good monograph of Miss Tuckey, 
and a book by Lord Ronald Leveson-Gower, with a recent 
translation of the Proces, while brief stories of the life of the 
Maid for children are common, and excite the enthusiasm and 
the pity of little boys and girls. But a work based on a study 
of all the documents, and equipped with full references, has been 
still to seek. 

I have therefore tried to fill this empty place in our book- 
shelves, and to depict, however feebly, this glory of her sex, 
" a Star of ancient France." 

There is no Englishman alive who, from obsolete national 
prejudice, would try to diminish her greatness, or to palliate 
the shameful iniquity of his ancestors in all their relations with 
her. But a Scot is especially devoid of temptation to defend 
Cauchon, Warwick, Bedford, and the rest of "our old enemies 
of England." The Scots did not buy or sell, or try, or condemn, 
or persecute, or burn, or — most shameful of all — bear witness 


against and desert the Maid. The Scots stood for her always 
with pen as with sword. 

The historical evidence for the career of the Maid is rich, mul- 
tifarious, and of many degrees of comparative excellence. In 
the front stands the official record of her trial at Rouen in 143 1. 
On each day of her trial, the clerks of the Court took down 
in French her replies to the questions of the judges and assessors. 
The French version was, later, officially rendered into Latin, with 
all the other proceedings : and certain posthumous documents were 
added. The whole book is official, the work of her enemies. How 
far it is fair and honest is a question to be discussed in the text. 
At all events we have here a version of what Jeanne herself told 
her judges, as to her own life, and as to future events. Next 
we have letters dictated by her, and letters written about her, 
during her active career, from April 1429 to May 1430. These 
are of varying value : the News Letters of the age, French, Italian, 
and German, answer to the letters of Foreign Correspondents in our 
newspaper press. Some are full of false gossip. 

As to the politics of the period we have diplomatic documents, 
treaties, memoirs, and despatches. We also possess notes in the 
contemporary account books of various towns, and the jottings of 
contemporary diarists, well or ill informed, as the case may be. 

The historical chronicles concerning the Maid date from 1430 
to 1470: some are by friendly French, some by hostile Bur- 
gundian hands. Their evidence needs to be studied critically, 
with an eye on the probable sources of information of each 
chronicler. The mystery play, Mistere du Siege ^Orleans, is a 
late poetical chronicle {circ. 1470?). A few facts may be gleaned 
from works even later than 1470, when the writer's sources of 
information are mentioned and seem to be good. 

Finally we have the records of the Trial of Rehabilitation 
(1450- 14 56), with the sworn evidence of more than a hundred and 
forty eye-witnesses, who knew the Maid at various periods from 
her infancy to her martyrdom. In judging their depositions, 
we must make careful allowance for errors of bias, for illusions 


of memory, and for the natural desire of persons who took part 
in her trial to shield themselves, and to throw blame on her 
judges and their assessors who were by that time dead, or for 
any reason were not able to speak for themselves. 

The main defect of the Trial of Rehabilitation is the singular 
fact that only two witnesses testified to any event in the life 
of the Maid between the failure at Paris, in September 1429, 
and her capture in May 1430. No questions on this period 
were put, for example, to her confessor, Pasquerel, and her 
equerry, d'Aulon, an omission which cannot be defended, even 
if it was caused by a desire to spare the feelings of the King, 
Charles vii. His conduct, and his diplomacy, from his Corona- 
tion to the capture of the Maid, must for him have been 
full of tormenting memories. I have also suggested in the 
text, that as the Maid, like any other leader, certainly assured 
her men of success, " fight on, you will have them ! " on occasions 
when they were not successful, the inquirers in 1450-1456 may 
have shrunk from asking " Did Jeanne utter these promises as 
the predictions of her Saints ? " We have only her own denial. 
The evidence of the cloud of witnesses in 1450-1456 is commonly 
disparaged by the scientific spirit. Even Quicherat wrote : " The 
depositions of the witnesses have the air, for the most part, of 
having undergone numerous retrenchments," of having been " cut," 
as we say, or garbled. Quicherat gives no proof of this ; and none 
is visible to me. On certain important points, such as "What did 
Jeanne do at Paris, La Charite, Lagny, Melun, and Compiegne?" 
no questions were asked, though her judges in 143 1 had accused 
her of several misdeeds at these places. 

Nothing was asked as to her leap from the tower (or her 
attempt to let herself down from a window of the tower) at 
Beaurevoir. These omissions are a great blot on the Trial of 
Rehabilitation, but that the judges cut and garbled the replies 
to questions actually put is a mere baseless assertion. 1 

1 See Dunand, La Socitte" de V Histoire de France, Jules Quicherat, et Jeanne d'Arc, 
pp. 157-168, 1908, and Quicherat, Apercus Nouveaux, 1850. 


Quicherat had said, "The judges at the Rehabilitation were 
probity itself." Yet he also says that they seem to have garbled 
" the majority of the depositions " ! 

M. Anatole France is specially severe on the Trial of Rehabilita- 
tion, though he freely quotes the depositions. 

In the first place, the witnesses merely answered the questions 
put to them " in the course of ecclesiastical justice." Certainly we 
now should put many other questions. 

Secondly, " the majority of the witnesses are excessively simple 
and lacking in discernment." They were men and women of their 
own time, not savants of our time — that is undeniable ! 

Again, Pasquerel misplaces the sequence of certain events, it 
is true, but so does M. Anatole France on several occasions, as we 
shall try to show. 

The deposition of Dunois " must have been mishandled by the 
translator and the scribes," as when he speaks of " the strong force 
of the enemy." But Bedford, the English commander-in-chief, 
also says that the English at Orleans were numerous, before the 
men began to desert. Their numbers were reduced by desertions, 
but if Dunois overestimated them, how often, in the South African 
war, did our leaders make the same mistake as to the enemy ! 
The other sins of Dunois are either no sins at all, or are easily 
pardonable, and the burden of them need not be thrown on 
translator or scribe. 

As to the witnesses who had been assessors, scribes, or officers 
of the Court in 143 1, "all these ink-pots of the Church who had 
fashioned the documents for the death of the Maid, showed as 
much zeal in destroying it," in 1450-1456. Let that be granted ; 
it does not follow that the evidence, for example, of Manchon is 
false. The witnesses say that they were terrorised by Cauchon 
and the English, and perhaps nobody doubts that they did go in 
fear. Poor clerks and officials, it is part of the injustice of the 
trial of 1431 that they were threatened and bullied. "They 
denounced the cruel iniquity which they had themselves put in 
good and proper form." The form, in fact, is not so good and 



proper : one document the scribes refused to sign, and unsigned it 

Probably few penmen, even now, would have the courage to 
throw up their duties and their livelihood, and incur a fair chance 
of being cast into dungeons, or into the river, because they dis- 
liked their work. The scribes did their task : they were not heroes. 
Had they been heroes, we should not have had their evidence. 

"A pair of lamentable monks, Brother Martin Ladvenu and 
Brother Isambart de la Pierre, wept bitterly while they told of the 
pious death of the poor Maid whom they had declared heretic, 
then relapsed, and had burned alive." 

There is no evidence that the two monks wept while they 
gave their testimony ; at the last, they did not — unconditionally — 
declare Jeanne heretic ; to burn her or to save her they had no 
more power than I who write. That power was in the hands of 
Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais. At the same time I regard with 
suspicion several parts of the evidence of these two lamentable 
monks, and "the ink-pots of the Church/' 

" The captains said that Jeanne was expert in placing guns, 
when they knew that it was untrue." 

One captain, d'Alencon, swore to her skill in artillery, and 
M. Anatole France knows that this witness deliberately perjured 
himself. Less omniscient, I know not how he knows ; or what 
his acquaintance with mediaeval artillery may be; but I suspect, 
from examination of a contemporary breech-loading field-piece, 
that any one with a good eye and a little practice could do what 
was needed. Many women are good shots. 

" The effort was made to prove that Jeanne was destitute of 
intelligence, to show that the Holy Spirit was more manifest in 
her." M. Anatole France himself does not credit the Maid with 
much intelligence {esprit), but many of the witnesses did. " The 
examiners led the witnesses to keep repeating that the Maid was 
simple, very simple." He himself gives the same opinion : often. 

Many said that she was chaste. Does any mortal deny it? 
Some of her companions vowed that she did not excite their 


passions. Is that, considering their deep reverence and regard 
for the Maid, a thing incredible? Naturally her enemies were 
not affected in the same way. 

" Sometimes the clerks content themselves with saying that one 
witness deposed like the preceding witness." Nothing was more 
usual in the records of secular trials one hundred and forty years later, 
as in the trial of the accomplices of Bothwell in Darnley's murder. 1 

It is proper to notice these objections to the evidence of 
1450-1456. We shall use it with the warning that, in twenty-five 
years, human memories are apt to be fallacious; that the bias 
of the witnesses was favourable to the Maid ; and that some 
witnesses had to excuse their own share in the trial of 1431, and 
to exhibit the judges, mainly Cauchon and the accuser, in the 
most unfavourable light. But we shall not accuse the captains 
of deliberate perjury, out of our own will and fantasy. 

Mr. Frederick Myers, when studying the Maid in the light of 
psychical research, 2 spoke of the records of the Trial of Rehabilita- 
tion as practically worthless. The events were too "remote" for 
evidence given twenty-five years later to be trustworthy. I 
venture to think that he rated the powers of memory too low, 
when he thought that, in a quarter of a century, all witnesses 
would necessarily err as to the most impressive experience of 
their lives, their acquaintance with Jeanne d'Arc. The psychical 
researcher feels bound to take it for granted that strange affairs 
will be unconsciously exaggerated by memory, after twenty- 
five years. There are, in fact, two tendencies ; one man exaggerates, 
another begins to doubt, when the first freshness of his impres- 
sion has been worn off, and he minimises. But every reader of 
the Trial of Rehabilitation must see that the witnesses, in 1450- 
1456, are usually sparing in marvels, except Pasquerel and Dunois. 
We hear from themjpf no miracles attributed to Jeanne, though 
Dunois obviously regarded the fortunate change of the wind on 

1 Cf. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. pp. xx -xxx. , vol. ii. pp. 445- 

2 Human Personality. Cf. Index, Jeanne d'Arc. 


the Loire^ on April 28, 1429, as verging on miracle. Pasquerel 
exaggerated its effects ; and also said that, on May 6, Jeanne 
named the day and the place of her arrow-wound. Very possibly 
his memory deceived him. But witnesses say nothing of the clair- 
voyance about Rouvray fight, or about the sword at Fierbois ; about 
the Maid's knowledge of the King's secret they could not, of course, 
say anything definite. They never mention her saintly visitors. The 
only hagiographic marvels are negligible ; and are connected with the 
martyrdom. The contemporary tales (1429) about marvels at the 
time of the birth of Jeanne, are not repeated by the witnesses from 
Domremy : about these marvels no questions were asked. 

Every writer on Jeanne d'Arc must gratefully acknowledge 
his obligations to the great palaeographers and men of research 
into the fruits of whose labours he enters. Among these are 
especially to be honoured M. Jules Quicherat, M. Simeon Luce, 
M. Lefevre-Pontalis, M. Pierre Champion, Father Ayroles, 
S.J., M. Albert Sorel, M. Boucher de Molandon, M. de 
Beaucourt, M. Jadart, M. Jarry, M. Vallet de Viriville, M. 
Tuetey, M. de Beaurepaire, M. P. Lanery d'Arc, and the Due 
de la Tremollle (in his published work on his family archives). 
I have also read several biographies of the Maid, such as those 
by Father Ayroles, S.J., M. Wallon, M. Sepet, M. Anatole France 
(whose notes constitute an excellent bibliography), the Chanoine 
Dunand, and Mr. F. C. Lowell (1896). On certain questions, for 
example as to whether Jeanne visited Vaucouleurs twice ; as to the 
date of her departure from Vaucouleurs to Chinon ; as to whether she 
passed the night of April 28, 1429, at Reuilly ; as to the alleged 
resistance of the French leaders to her attack on the Tourelles, on 
May 7, I differ from Mr. Lowell, but not with perfect confidence, 
the evidence being confused. I am apt, also, to prefer to his view 
of the supernormal in Jeanne's career, the opinions of Quicherat. 

For permission to reproduce three charts in Mr. Lowell's book 
I have to thank his publishers, Messrs. Houghton and Mifflin. I 
have added to the chart of Orleans the names of some of the 
English forts. 


In this book the narrative is given continuously, without foot- 
notes. Full references to authorities, and critical dissertations, are 
relegated to notes at the end of the work. When I quote any 
speech or other matter, between inverted commas, I cite my text 
literally ; translating as closely as I am able to do. Attempts to 
" give the general sense " are apt to end in giving the wrong sense. 

The references, as to volume and page, have been verified by 
myself, in all cases at least twice, often much more frequently; 
and again, by Miss E. M. Thompson (except in four or five cases, 
for which books were not accessible to her). She has also been 
kind enough to make transcripts of certain documents in our 
own State papers, and to read the proof sheets. But I wish to 
bear the blame of any errors in citation, or other mistakes and 
misapprehensions, for even an aide so meticulously accurate as 
Miss Thompson may fail to keep straight an author whose eyes 
were never of the best. 

Finally my thanks are due to Madame Duclaux, who kindly 
procured for me some modern books which I had sought in vain ; 
though there are others which proved to be introuvables. 

For permission to reproduce the two miniatures of the Maid, we 
are indebted to the kindness and courtesy of Monsieur Andre* 
Girodie, secretary of the Notes dArt et d ' Arche'ologie (27 Rue 
d'Ulm, Paris). These miniatures appear to myself, speaking under 
correction, 1 to be works not later than the middle of the fifteenth 
century. Though the Maid never sat for her portrait, the miniatures 
may be based on memories of her face. The oval and the features 
are long and fine ; the hair is dark, as it really was ; and the armour 
is such as she really wore. These little pictures are less remote 
from the original than the dinanderie of the Cluny Museum, a 
statuette representing her mounted ; it is a clumsy work, which 
some regard as an effigy of St. Maurice, dated about 1480-1500. 
I incline to regard it as a popular image of Jeanne, but it is 
valueless as a likeness. 

1 Corrected I have been, by M. Salomon Reinach. 



Introduction ....... i 

I. The Task of Jeanne d'Arc. Political Conditions . 16 

II. Domremy. Prophecies, Faith, and Fairies . . 25 

v III. The First Voices and Visions. . . . '39 

IV. Domremy in Time of War . . . . .48 

V. The Mission Announced. Jeanne at NeufchAteau . 58 

VI. The Siege of Orleans begun . . . . -65 

VII. Jeanne's Second Visit to Vaucouleurs . . .72 

VIII. Chinon. The King's Secret . . . . .82 

IX. The New St. Catherine at Poitiers . . .99 

X. Jeanne at Tours. March to Orleans . . .107 

XI. The Maid's Victories at Orleans . . . 120 

XII. The Taking of the Tourelles . . . .131 

XIII. After Orleans . . . . . .141 

XIV. The Week of Victories. . . . .156 
XV. The Ride to Reims ... . . 170 

XVI. The Campaign of Dupes . . . . .187 

XVII. The Failure at Paris ...... 202 

XVIII. The Autumn Campaign . . . . . .212 

XIX. Jeanne's Last Campaign ...... 223 

XX. The Last Day under Arms . 233 

XXI. Captivity ........ 242 

XXII. The Trial— I 254 

7 XXIII. The Trial— II 271 




j CHAP. 

1 XXIV. The Abjuration . 

XXV. The Last Morning in Prison . 
■J XXVI. Martyrdom . 

Appendix A 

Appendix B 

Appendix C 

Appendix D 

Notes . 

Index . 





Jeanne d'Arc {Photogi'avure) .... Frontispiece 

(From a Miniature in the Collection of Monsieur Georges Spetz.) * 

Jeanne d'Arc ...... To face p. 108 

(From a Miniature on parchment (fifteenth century) in the 
Collection of Monsieur Georges Spetz. ) * 

Charles vii {Photogravure) . . . . „ 182 

Northern and Central France . . ,,48 

(From F. C. LowelFs "Joan of Arc") 

Orleans and Vicinity „ 114 

(From F. C. Lowelfs "Joan of Arc") 

Compiegne and Vicinity „ 234 

(From F. C. Lowers "Joan of Arc") 

* The Miniatures reproduced by permission of M. A. Girodie. 


On page 12 it is asserted that, according to M. Anatole 
France, Jeanne never told about her " regulations " to her curt or 
any churchman (France, vol. i. p. 50 ; vol. ii. p. 307). This is 
an error ; M. France merely says that she did not confide in 
her cure'. But he adds in a note (vol. i. p. 50, note 2) the 
Latin words of a gloss on the d'Urfe" MS. of the Prods : " She 
concealed her visions from her father, her mother, and every 
one " ; while the text (Proces, vol. i. p. 1 28) states that " she 
did not speak a word of her vision to her cure', or any other 
churchman.'" I regret that I inadvertently misrepresented 
M. France as giving the complete evidence of Jeanne on this 

Note to p. 35, line 23. For " Tuesday " read " Thursday." 
M. France refers for the Thursday fairy trysts to Proces, vol. ii. 
p. 450. The right reference is Proces, vol. i. p. 187. 



THE name and fame of Jeanne d'Arc are "in the catalogue of 
common things," like the rainbow ; of things so familiar that an 
effort of imagination is needed before we can appreciate the 
unique position of the Maid in history. The story of her career, 
as one of her learned French historians has said, "is the most 
marvellous episode in our history, and in all histories." 1 

She was the consummation and ideal of two noble human 
efforts towards perfection. The peasant's daughter was the 
Flower of Chivalry, brave, gentle, merciful, courteous, kind, and 
loyal. Later poets and romance-writers delighted to draw the 
figure of the Lady Knight ; but Spenser and Ariosto could not 
create, Shakespeare could not imagine, such a being as Jeanne 

She was the^ most perfect daughter of her Church; to her 
its sacraments were the very Bread of Life ; her conscience, by 
frequent confession, was kept fair and pure as the lilies of 
Paradise. In a tragedy without parallel or precedent the Flower 
of Chivalry died for France and the chivalry of France, which 
had deserted her; she died by the chivalry of England, which 
shamefully entreated and destroyed her ; while the most faithful 

1 Luce, Jeanne d'Arc d Domremy, p. iii. 


of Christians perished through the " celestial science," and dull 
political hatred of priests who impudently called themselves " the 

Waning Chivalry, bewildered " celestial science," were con- 
fronted by the living ideal of Chivalry and Faith; and they 
crushed it. Jeanne came to them a maiden, and in years almost 
a child ; beautiful, gay, " with a glad countenance." The priests 
and Doctors of her enemies offered her bread of tears and water 
of affliction, so merciful, they said, were they ; they tricked her, 
and they gave her the death of fire. 

She came, with powers and with genius which should be the 
marvel of the world while the world stands. She redeemed a 
nation ; she wrought such works as seemed to her people, and 
well might seem, miraculous. Yet even among her own people, 
even now, her glory is not uncontested. 

She came to her own, and her own received her not. 

Let us understand the nature of the task which Jeanne set 
before herself, as an ignorant peasant child of thirteen ; the 
victory which, as an ignorant peasant girl of seventeen, she 
initiated. She was to relieve "the great pity that there is in 
France," a pity caused, externally, by the pressure of a foreign 
master in the capital, of foreign power in the country north of 
the Loire; internally, by the blood-feud between the Duke of 
Burgundy and the disinherited Dauphin, Charles VII ; by a 
generation of ruthless treacheries and butcheries ; by wars which 
were organised commercial speculations in ransoms and in 
plunder; by alien bands of mercenaries who had deliberately 
stifled pity ; by great nobles who robbed the country which they 
should have defended, and passed their time in murder and 
private war. 

In the opinion of most contemporary observers, French and 
foreign, in 1428, the rightful King, Charles VII, must go into 
exile or beg his bread, and France must be erased from the list 
of nations. We must not be deceived by the idea that, in the 
fifteenth century, there was no national patriotism, and that France 


was not yet a name to conjure with. Ever since the Paladins 
of Charlemagne, in the Chanson de Roland y wept in a foreign 
land at the thought of " sweet France," that word had its 
enchantment. That name was ever on the lips and in the 
letters of the Maid ; she used it as a spell to cast out the nick- 
name, " Armagnacs," which the English had given to the national 
party. The word patrie was not yet in common use (though 
she is made to say patria in the Latin translation of her Trial), 
but the old " doulx pays de France" served the turn. 

To unite France, to restore France, to redeem France, and to 
rescue Orleans, was the task of Jeanne ; but, even before Orleans 
was besieged, she had her own conception of the method to be 
employed. She promised, in May 1428, to lead her "gentle 
Dauphin," through hostile Anglo-Burgundian territory, to be 
crowned at Reims. Even disinterested foreigners then spoke of 
her prince, not as king, but as Dauphin. He would become king 
only when anointed with the holy oil from the mystic ampoule 
brought by an angel to the patron saint of Jeanne's native village, 

To the modern mind the importance thus attached to a few 
drops of oil seems very absurd. But in studying history we 
must accept the past as it existed : when occupied with the 
characters and events of the Middle Ages, we must learn to think 
medievally. To the faithful in the Middle Ages the earth was 
but a plain, to which the angels of heaven descended, going and 
coming on errands of the Divine Will, as in the Vision of Jacob. 
The political importance of anointing the King with the holy 
oil of Reims was recognised as fully by the practical Duke of 
Bedford, brother of Henry V, and Governor of France, as by the 
peasant girl of Domremy. Between the daughter of Jacques 
dArc, in her remote village on the Meuse, and the great 
Lancastrian statesman and warrior in Paris, it was indeed a race 
for Reims and for the Coronation of the Dauphin, or of the child 
King of England, Henry VI. 

The political results of success in this race, the increase of 


loyalty and of prestige to her Dauphin, were only one part of 
the plan conceived by the peasant child. She came to help the 
poor and the oppressed. She would crown the Dauphin, but first 
she would bid him give her his promise to rule in righteous- 
ness. She caused him, in fact, to make to her, before she set 
forth to rescue Orleans, a promise in the nature of his Coronation 
Oath ; he was to govern justly, mercifully, without rancour or 
revenge, as the loyal vassal of Christ. The sacred oil was much, 
the golden Crown was much, but to Jeanne, from first to last, 
free or in prison, the Crown was that ideal Crown, not of this 
world, but imperishable in the world of ideas. "This Crown," 
she told her judges, " no goldsmith on earth could fashion." Only 
by virtue of this Crown could France be restored to her place 
among Christian nations. 

Such were the conceptions, as will be proved in detail, of this 
rustic girl, who determined, alone, to fulfil her dream. But she 
undertook her mission, not only with the clearest conviction of 
her own personal impotence, — " I am but an untaught lass, who 
cannot ride and direct the wars," she said, — but also with the 
certain foreknowledge, from the first, that she "would last but 
a year or little more." Such was her presentiment, such, as 
she held, was the knowledge conveyed to her by the lips that 
cannot lie, of the Blessed Dead. 

Knowing all this, — her own lack of power, her own poverty, 
simplicity, and inexperience, and the briefness of her own span, — 
the Maid applied herself to her task. Through the last ten of 
her allotted thirteen months, she was ill-supported by the King 
whom she had crowned : for the last six weeks her inspirations 
only foretold her capture. But she had turned the tide of 
English conquest; thenceforth the waves retired, and within the 
time predicted by the captive Maid, England had " lost a dearer 
gage than Orleans," had lost Paris. 

Such were the marvels, marvellously accomplished, of Jeanne 
d'Arc. A girl understood, and a girl employed (so professional 
students of strategy and tactics declare), the essential ideas of 


the military art ; namely, to concentrate quickly, to strike swiftly, 
to strike hard, to strike at vital points, and, despising vain noisy 
skirmishes and " valiances," to fight with invincible tenacity of 

It may be said that to conceive these tactics was, with Jeanne, 
an affair rather of the heart than of the head ; rather of courage 
than of science. Be it so : but we shall see that Jeanne could 
decline as well as offer battle, at a crisis when the professional 
French captains might probably have thrown away the fruits of 
victory, by accepting the challenge of the enemy. 

Moreover, if it be granted that the military successes of the 
Maid were due less to her head than to her heart, it was precisely 
heart, courage, confidence that France needed. A series of English 
victories, culminating in the mournful and laughable defeat of 
an indirect attempt (February 12, 1429) to relieve Orleans, had 
deprived the French of the heart and confidence which the Maid 

She possessed what, in a Napoleon, a Marlborough, a 
Kellermann at Alba de Tormes (1809), would be reckoned the 
insight of genius. Unlike the generals with whom she rode, 
she divined the temper of the enemy ; she foresaw how they 
would behave. At Alba de Tormes " the French general re- 
solved to risk a most dangerous experiment, an attack with 
unsupported cavalry upon a force of all arms, in the hope of 
detaining it till his infantry should come up." 1 In a few moments 
part of the Spanish army was a wreck : the rest was detained till 
it was shattered by the arrival of the French infantry and guns. 
Jeanne never took so great a risk, but she, like Kellermann, 
gauged correctly the temper of the enemy. She knew that they 
would not take the offensive, and her estimate of their " morale " 
was correct. The expert French captains ought to have known 
as much, for the English were permitting bands of from two to 
four hundred French combatants to go in and out of Orleans 
with little opposition. Therefore they were unlikely to sally forth 

1 Oman, History of the Peninsular War, vol. iii. p. 99. 


against a body of three or four thousand men. But Dunois did 
not draw the inference which the Maid drew, and lacked, by his 
own honest confession, the heart and confidence of the Maid. 

She derived her confidence from her perfect faith in the 
monitions of her Voices (a source not open to most generals) ; but, 
enfin, in military conduct, in strategy and tactics, by the confession 
of her opponents she was in the right. So it was in all things. 

" Simple " she seemed, and ignorant, " save in matters of war," 
to many who knew her. But whatsoever thing confronted her, 
whatsoever problem encountered her, whatsoever manners became 
her in novel situations, she understood in a moment. She solved 
the problem ; she assumed the manners ; she faced the rain of 
arrows and bullets ; she faced Doctors and Clerks ; she animated 
the soldiery in Napoleon's way ; she spoke and acted like a 
captain, like a clerk, like a grande dame de par le monde, as the 
need of the moment required. 

To think less than this of Jeanne is to fail to understand the 
unimpeachable facts of her history. It is, moreover, never to be 
forgotten that, during her military career, her age was of from 
seventeen to eighteen years. At seventeen, Napoleon had not 
won a decisive battle, had not led forlorn hopes to victory, had 
not " taught the doubtful battle where to rage." But that Jeanne 
had done all this no sceptic can deny ; and the doing of it was 
but the beginning of her career of wonders. 

In a crisis of the national fortunes of France, the hour had 
come, and the girl. In other crises the hour has "Tromepaii d t fee 
man, Cromwell or Napoleon. We recognise their genius and 
their opportunity. But in the case of Jeanne d'Arc, as she was 
an ignorant girl of seventeen, human wisdom is apt to decline to 
recognise the happy wedding of opportunity and genius, and to 
look about for any explanations that may minimise the marvel. 

Jeanne, we are sometimes told, had no military knowledge, 
no military intuitions, no political intuitions of value. Of course, 
if this be so, the marvel becomes a miracle, and the miracle has 
to be explained away. " The task of which France had despaired 


was not really difficult." Perhaps not, — till " thinking made it so." 
Jeanne was no more than a visionary, we are told, like any other 
Crazy Moll, but braver, better, and luckier. 

This idea, though enthusiastically welcomed of late as the 
dernier cri of psychological and historical science, is anything but 
new. In 1730 M. Antoine de la Barre de Beaumarchais wrote, 
" Jeanne was an enthusiast. She and three other women had been 
seduced by the famous preacher, Brother Richard. He had filled 
their minds with visions and revelations, and overheated their 
feeble brains. On the strength of his word they believed that 
they were Saints, and henceforth they had never a foolish fancy 
but they took it for an inspiration. Jeanne was preferred above 
her companions : the King made his profit out of her pious 
lunacy, and pretended to hold her in profound respect. His 
object was to encourage his party by deluding them into the 
belief that God had sent him a new Deborah to drive out the 
foreign invaders." 1 

Of these edifying remarks (not, of course, by the famous 
author of Le Mariage de Figaro) — remarks based on ignorance of 
history, we read an echo in 1908. "Several saintly women led, 
like Jeanne, a singular life, and communicated with the Church 
Triumphant. It was, so to say, un be'guinage volant" (a flying 
squadron of btguines, or fantastic devotees) "which followed the 
army. z 

This is the statement of M. Anatole France in his Life of the 

A considerable and industrious student, M. Vallet de Viriville, 
in 1863, reintroduced the way of thinking about Jeanne dArc 
which had been adopted by Beaumarchais. Admitting that she 
had genius, and defining genius rather oddly as " the quintessence 
of common sense," he placed her as " one of a group " ; her pre- 
cursors and imitators. Most of these were, or pretended to be, 
visionaries, dreamers of dreams ; some were more or less, usually 

1 Beaumarchais, Lettres Se'rietises et Badines, 1730, vol. iii. p. 26. 

2 Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. ii. p. 96. 


less, accredited and listened to by princes and even by popes. 
Many were charlatans ; one was a lovely lady of pleasure, Madame 
d'Or ; and several were married women who can scarcely be called, 
as M. de Viriville does call them, Pucelles ! 1 

The common point of all was that they saw and heard, or 
affected to see and hear, Visions and Voices. But surely this point 
is rather more of an accident than of a differentia. Shelley, 
Socrates, Mohammed, Luther, Pascal, and Cromwell were of the 
visionary habit ; but, essentially, they were men of genius in poetry, 
philosophy, war, religion, and so forth. In the same way Jeanne 
essentially and pre-eminently belongs to the group of genius, while 
all the sham Pucelles and vapid dreamers do not. 

It is fair to M. de Viriville to add that though he included 
Jeanne in his motley group of married Pucelles, Saints, charlatans, 
light o' loves, and crazy wenches, he added that " in her, good sense 
shone with extraordinary brilliance. . . . She was profoundly 
religious, remarkably pious, but neither a mystic nor a miracle- 
worker." He declines to confuse her with the other women of 
" the flying squadron of be'g-uines.*' She was a practical person. 2 

Dr. Dumas, a distinguished authority on nervous diseases and 
aberrant constitutions, also writes, " the will and the intellect of 
Jeanne were sane and straight " {par son intelligence, par sa volonte' 
Jeanne reste saine et droite). At the same time he assures us that 
"no mortal could be more destitute than Jeanne of clear and 
practical ideas," and that there can be no "literary hypothesis" 
more blinding than that which credits her with good sense ! 3 
Dr. Dumas is a too headlong disciple of the one historian on whom 
he relies. That author sometimes deviates into crediting Jeanne 
with " all the good sense of the people," and with 4 " very correct 
ideas " ; in great matters both of war and peace. 

I am unable to reconcile the conflicting statements which the 

1 Vallet de Viriville, Charles VII, 1 863, vol. ii. pp. viii-x. 

2 Ibid. vol. ii. pp. 129, 130. 

3 Dumas in Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. ii. p. 465. Dumas in Revue 
du Mois, May 10, 1908. 

4 France, Vie de Jeanne d'Atr, vol. i. p. 73, vol. ii. p. 7. 


great historian and the great " scientist " manage to combine in 
their verdicts on the Maid. If " her intelligence and will were sane 
and straight," how did she manage to be "devoid of clear and 
practical ideas"? If she were "conspicuous for good sense/' in 
that essential respect she was remote indeed from the crew of crazy- 
Molls. Historian and savant both seem to have ideas far from 
the clear and the consistent. 

Next, we are told that even Jeanne's martial mission was not 
of her own invention, conscious or sub-conscious, but was imagined 
and imposed on her by fraudulent priests, who, apparently, under- 
stood the military situation and the needs of France better than 
Dunois and de Gaucourt ! This also is no new theory. 

In' 1435, four years after her martyrdom, ^Sneas Sylvius 
Piccolomini, later Pope Pius II, was present at the negotiations for 
the Treaty of Arras, which reconciled France and Burgundy, and 
dealt a death blow at the English domination over France. He 
found, as he writes in his Memoirs, that there were many opinions 
about Jeanne d'Arc, many explanations of her career. 1 

The simple people deemed that she had a mission from Heaven, 
and was inspired by veritable saints and angels. Others, the 
scholars of Paris University, believed that her inspiration came 
from evil spirits. Others, yet more scientific, held that she was 
the innocent victim of natural subjective hallucinations. Finally 
(here the Pope's evidence comes in), there was a party which main- 
tained that some French statesman, seeing the jealousies of the 
nobles of Charles VII, — none would accept another's lead, — found 
in the Maid a professedly divine leader, whom all might follow. 
This view is set forth by two French historians in 1548 and 
1570. 2 

Jeanne had been, it was believed, the mistress of Robert de 
Baudricourt, or of Poton de Saintrailles, or of the Bastard of 
Orleans, and she was instructed in her part by one statesman or 

1 Prods, vol. iv. p. 518. 

2 Du Haillan, De VEstat et Success des Affaires de France, Paris, 1570. Guillaume du 
Bellay, Instructions sur le faid de la Guerre, 1548. 


another. The cunning statesman invented the mission, and pulled 
the strings of the clever puppet. 

Our knowledge of history makes this last opinion untenable. 
It is now held by none ; but as we see, it has recently been revived 
in a modified form. The old explanation of that serious historian, 
Beaumarchais (1730), was that Jeanne was but one of a group of 
female visionaries, all inspired and directed by the foolish popular 
preacher, Brother Richard. The similar opinion, that she was 
known by the clergy of her native place to be a visionary, and 
that they invented her military mission and imposed it on her 
through her Voices, while Brother Richard took her in hand later, 
has been put forward by M. Anatole France. 1 

Dr. Dumas of the Sorbonne has hailed M. France's revival of 
the old system of " indoctrination " as the last word of Science on 
the subject. 2 

If I stated the scientific theory in my own words, I might 
readily be suspected of maliciously distorting it. I translate, there- 
fore, the scientific formula as given by Dr. Dumas. " It is outside 
of the Maid that M. Anatole France resolutely seeks the source of 
her political inspirations and Messianic ideas. Thus, behind her 
first visions, he already detects the influence of some unknown 
clerical person who wished to turn these visions to the good of the 
kingdom, and to the conclusion of peace. Jeannette brought, for 
her part, her piety, her horror of war, her love of the unhappy and 
afflicted, her memories of her nights of anguish, and of her fright- 
ful dreams. The clerical person contributed the Mission ; and out 
of the Voices which at first only said, "Jeannette, be a good girl," 
he made the Voices which said, " Daughter of God, leave thy village 
and go into France to let consecrate the Dauphin." 3 

How the priest came to know that Jeanne (who confided the 
facts to no churchman) saw Angels and Saints, Dr. Dumas does 
not tell us. How, when the priest did know, he " made the Voices 
urge Jeanne to go to France, despite her remonstrances — * I cannot 

1 Vie de Jeanne cT Arc, 1908. Vol. i. p. 54, and passim. 

2 Revue du Mois, May 10, 1908. 8 Ibid., May 10, 1908. 


ride and fight/" 1 Dr. Dumas does not inform us. He even drops 
the fact that the mission was military ; probably because he sees 
that no priest could be so mad as to advise a peasant girl to ride 
in the van of armies. The mission, however, was " holy and 
warlike? says M. France himself, with truth. 2 His neuropatho- 
logical disciple, in the interests of the scientific theory, is obliged 
to ignore that essential circumstance. 

It cannot be ignored by the historian ! Again, Jeanne had no 
" horror of war " in a just cause. She did not want to fight, and 
as soon as her Voices bade her go into France, and lead her King 
to Reims through a country full of hostile garrisons, she perceived 
that her mission must be military, and replied that she could not 
fight and lead men-at-arms. But, yielding to the monitions of her 
Voices, she took up a mission professedly warlike. When she left 
Vaucouleurs on February 23, 1429, to rescue France, she was girt 
with a sword : she carried sword, lance, steel sperth, and dagger 
— or such of these weapons as she found appropriate — till the 
hour of her capture. " Her nights of terror and fearful dreams " 
are as destitute of evidence as her clerical tutors. She was not 
timid ! t 

When we refuse to ignore, with Dr. Dumas, the fact that the 
mission of the Maid, from the first, was military ; when we agree, 
with M. France, and all the evidence, that the mission was warlike, 
the scientific theory ceases to exist. 

No priest could possibly have taught her, through her Voices, 
that only an ignorant peaceful peasant girl, herself, in male 
costume, could drive the English out of France. Much less could 
a supposed series of clerical impostors have, through all her career, 
unanimously insisted on a course which, to human common sense, 
seemed the quintessence of crazy folly. 

This theory is unthinkable. First, it cannot be thought that 
even if one mad cure bade the girl to make peace by restoring 
France with the sword in her own hand, Jeanne's other clerical 
tutors would all follow him. If they thought that they had got 

1 Proces, vol. i. p. 53. 2 France, vol. i. p. 51. 


hold of a useful saintly visionary, — to such a person, princes, 
popes, the English Government, and the Duke of Burgundy were, 
in that age, apt to listen, — they would employ her as a messenger 
of peace, not of war. Popes and princes and cities had listened 
to St. Catherine of Siena: the English Government and the 
Duke of Bedford listened to the devout Dame Eleanor Raughton, 
All Hallows, North Street, York. 1 

But the priests of the theory sent their visionary to ride 
in man's dress, armed, and to bid the English depart at the 
point of the lance! The only named director whom Jeanne's 
enemies accused of "indoctrinating" her, Brother Richard, found 
that she spurned his peaceful methods of negotiating through 
a visionary. 

The scientific hypothesis, then, cannot be accepted by the 
historian. Moreover, the hypothesis is self-contradictory, if that 
be any objection in modern logic. It is distinctly and frequently, 
and correctly maintained, by the advocate of the theory of clerical 
" indoctrination," that no priest knew anything from Jeanne of her 
psychical experiences, that Jeanne never told about her %< revelations " 
to her cure' or any churchman? That she did not do so is very extra- 
ordinary; and the fact, to this day, afflicts her clerical defenders, 
Father Ayroles, S.J., and the Chanoine Dunand. But that Jeanne 
was thus secretive, that she never took a priest into her confidence 
as concerning her visions and Voices, was a point urged against 
her claims to canonisation in 1903. The Advocatus Diaboli, 
Monsignor Caprara {Promoteur de la Foi), dwelt severely on the 
conduct of Jeanne in not consulting her spiritual director about 
her revelations. 3 

That she confided the facts of her visions and Voices to no 
churchman is thus maintained by the friends of the theory that, 
apparently because she did confide them, the churchmen knew 
about them, and " indoctrinated " her ; taught her the nature 

1 Pageants of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, p. iii. Roxburghe Club, 1908. 

2 France, vol. i. p. 50, ii. p. 307. 

3 Langogne, Jeanne a" Arc devant la Congregation des Rites, 1894, p. 174. 


of her warlike mission ; and used her as their mouth-piece and 
puppet. The theory of " indoctrination " rests on a contradiction 
in terms. 

Thus the logic of the case proves that there was no less of 
truth than of loyalty in the dying declaration of the Maid ; that 
what she had done, be it good or bad, was entirely of her own 
doing without counsel from any man. 

The theory that she was " indoctrinated " has no historical 
basis, and less than no logical basis. She was not — save in 
accepting the contemporary ideas, expressed even on the 
coinage, about kings being the lieutenants of God, and about 
the need of consecration and coronation — the pupil of priests 
or politicians. 

As a proof that her mission was suggested by fraudulent priests, 
we are told that it was initiated and advertised by means of forged 
prophecies, chiefly by a special version of a prophecy of Merlin, 
fraudulently constructed to these ends. But we shall demonstrate, 
by unimpeachable evidence, that this prediction was a thing 
already current in folklore on the marches of Lorraine. 

The author who presents us with these ideas adds that, in her 
lifetime, Jeanne was only known to men in a radiant mist of 
childish and incredible legends, reported by the press, so to speak, 
of the period, the news letters sent to foreign countries. If this 
were true, it is not easy to guess where the critic obtained the 
materials for his portrait of the Maid. Of course, in her lifetime 
Jeanne was well known to hundreds of persons. 

It should be superfluous to remark that the materials for an 
historical portrait cannot be disengaged out of the ephemeral 
legends which, in all ages, gather round every important personage. 
Lord Morley's Life of William Ewart Gladstone would have been 
much more lively, but much less edifying, had he made use of the 
contemporary legends concerning the famous politician. We do 
not take our ideas of Montrose, Claverhouse, or Mary of Guise 
from the contemporary legends of the Covenanters or the myths 
of John Knox. 


In the same way the tattle of contemporary writers of news 
letters, who in 1429-143 1 sent to Germany and Italy, "under all 
reserves," the fables about Jeanne d'Arc which reached them, does 
not make her a legendary personage. The romances of victories 
and defeats that never occurred, in the South African war, did not 
outlive three days' life of the British and foreign newspapers which 
circulated them ; and scarcely one of the fables about Jeanne, 
published in the news letters of 1429- 1430, found its way into the 
Chronicles of 1430-1470. A few of the myths were made the 
subjects of questions put to Jeanne by her judges in 143 1. Of 
some she had never so much as heard; the truth of others she 

To say that " the history of Jeanne d Arc is a religious history 
just like that of Colette de Corbie," is an error in criticism. 1 In 
the case of Jeanne we have, in the case of St. Colette we have not, 
an enormous body of historical materials, — almost destitute of 
" hagiography," wholly destitute of imputed miracles, — unless a 
few cases of premonition and clairvoyance are to be held 
"miraculous." In Jeanne we see the warrior and the poli tician , 
not the ecstatic and the, thaumaturge. Miracle-working she again 
and again, in freedom and in prison, disclaimed. If she occasion- 
ally exhibited such faculties as " second sight " and telepathy, 
Thackeray, Nelson, and Catherine de Medici have been credited 
with similar powers. 

To reject abundance of sworn evidence because it conflicts with 
a critic's personal idea of what is probable or possible is not the 
method of History, and will not be adopted in this book. Much 
less will I reject, for instance, the evidence of Jeanne herself 
on any point, and give a fanciful theory of my own as to what 
really occurred. If there are incidents in her career which Science, 
so far, cannot explain, I shall not therefore regard them as false. 
Science may be able to explain them on some future day ; at 
present she is not omniscient. 

The mournful truth is that the historian has a much better 

1 France, vol. i. p. lxxx. 


chance of being read if he gives free play to his fancy than if he 
is strictly accurate. But to add the figments of fancy to the facts 
on record, to cite documents as if they were warrants for the 
statements which they do not support, is to wander from history 
into the enchanted forest of romance. 

In the Notes will be found many specimens of the method, 
arising, of course, from unconscious misreadings and misquotations. 


The historical situation which inspired, and the political conditions 
which thwarted the mission of Jeanne d'Arc, must be briefly- 
analysed ; and we must make acquaintance with the men among 
whom she found herself, when she arrived, during Lent 1429, in the 
grey and black attire of a page, at her prince's Court. 

Within the geographical limits of France were a number of 
provinces under independent though nominally feudatory chiefs. 
The force which was slowly forging the various jealous and prac- 
tically independent elements of France into a nation was resistance 
to her conquering adversary of England. 

Since 1392 the intermittent madness, and the constant folly of 
Charles VI, had left authority in the hands of his sensual and 
unscrupulously avaricious wife, Isabella of Bavaria, and her 
popular ally, the King's brother, Louis of Orleans, father of 
the poet Charles d'Orleans, and of the Bastard, the famous Dunois. 
Louis was " a personification of amiable vice." He was believed 
to have cast magic spells on his Royal brother, who, at times, was 
a filthy and ferocious maniac. In a relatively lucid interval, the 
King appealed to the Duke of Burgundy, Jean sans Peur, a 
potentate whose territories were almost as great as his own, — huge 
cantles of Flanders, Picardy, northern and eastern France, — for 
aid and protection. Appearing as a deliverer from the extrava- 
gance and exorbitant taxation of Orleans and the Queen, Burgundy 
became, at intervals, the favourite of the people of Paris, and the 
opinion of Paris was already dominant at least as far south as the 




Meanwhile Louis of Orleans was acquiring possessions, as at 
Coucy, Ham, Peronne, and Laon, which bordered on the territories 
of Burgundy ; and he is also said to have insulted, by his enterprising 
courtship, the young wife of Jean sans Peur. A reconciliation 
was patched up between the Dukes of Orleans and Burgundy : on 
Sunday, November 20, 1407, they received together the Holy 
Communion. On Tuesday they dined together ; on Wednesday 
Orleans was set on in the dark by the emissaries of Burgundy, 
and was hacked to death in the street. His right arm was cut 
at elbow and wrist ; his left hand was severed from his body ; 
his skull was cleft across and across ; his brains were scattered in 
the mire. Burgundy acknowledged his guilt, and retired to Lille. 
The result was a vendetta as ferocious as the blood-feuds of 
Iceland in the age of the Sagas, a blood-feud that involved a 
nation, broke it up into two sanguinary parties, and laid it at the 
feet of English conquerors. 

Orleans had never been wholly unpopular. His manners were 
gay ; he had challenged Henry of Lancaster to single combat ; he 
had been the enemy of England, with all his faults ; while 
Burgundy was England's ally. Henceforth the party of the 
Orleanists, or " Armagnacs," led by Bernard, Comte d Armagnac, 
was the party of France south of the Loire, while the men-at-arms 
of Burgundy, from Flanders, Artois, and Hainault, were in great 
measure Germans by language. 

In 1411, after a war of partisans, Burgundy appealed to 
England, and Henry IV sent English contingents to his aid. The 
more daring Henry V, in 141 3, revived the pretensions of 
Edward III, beat France to her knees at Agincourt (141 5), and 
set his ambition on her Crown. No claim could be less legal. 
Even if the Dauphin, later Charles VII, had not existed, even if the 
so-called Salic law had not been binding, Catherine, later the 
bride of Henry V, was not the eldest of the daughters of France. 
But Charles, eldest surviving son of the mad king and Isabella of 
Bavaria, soon came to be used as if he had placed himself out 
of the law. Indolent at this time, and timid, he was wasting his 


youth in circumstances much like those of James VI of Scotland. 
He was ruled by successive sets of violent men, who violently got 
rid of each other as temptation arose and as opportunity suggested. 
In May to June 141 8, the Burgundians and the mob of Paris 
overthrew the Armagnac soldiery in the place. The Dauphin 
Charles was, with difficulty, rescued by Robert le Macon and 
Tanneguy du Chatel; the horrors of the prison massacres of 
Armagnacs rivalled those of the Bartholomew and of September 
1793. The Dauphin, a boy of sixteen, fled to Bourges. 

In 14 1 9 occurred the famous reconciliatory meeting of the 
Dauphin with Jean sans Peur, Duke of Burgundy, in an improvised 
chamber on the bridge of Montereau. Each prince had his 
attendants ; angry words passed, the duke laid his hand, accidentally 
or menacingly, on his sword hilt ; the lie direct was given, and 
despite the most sacred pledges, the adherents of the Dauphin 
avenged the murder of Louis d'Orl^ans, and Jean sans Peur was 
slain no less cruelly than he had slain the Due d'Orl^ans. Many 
and various accounts of the brawl exist. Whether or not the 
Dauphin had guilty foreknowledge of the design, whether or not 
he was present at its bloody consummation, are matters of dispute. 

The new Duke of Burgundy, Philippe, pursuing the blood-feud, 
strengthened his alliance with England ; and the Queen and King 
of France, as far as in them lay, by the Treaty of Troyes (1420) 
disinherited the Dauphin Charles, and publicly branded the boy 
with the guilt of the murder of Burgundy on the bridge of 
Montereau. Whatever the measure of his own guilt, he would not, 
he could not, dismiss his murderous advisers and associates. 
Meanwhile Henry V married Catherine, the sister of the Dauphin, 
and on his coins proclaimed himself heir of France. 

Such were the sinister beginnings in life of Charles VII, for 
whom Jeanne dArc, with the stake before her, gave her life, 
defending him in her sweet girlish voice as "the noblest of 
Christians," when he was denounced in a sermon preached at her 
in her captivity. 

Strange virtue of ideal loyalty, of Montrose applauding on the 


scaffold the worthless king who had deserted him ; of Jeanne 
raising her lonely voice in defence of the monarch whom she had 
made, and who had distrusted and abandoned her ! 

The character of the Dauphin is matter of dispute. To one 
eminent scholar he seems at this period to have been indolent, a 
" fugitive and cloistered " prince, shunning the light, profligate in 
his pleasures, the tool of his ministers. Says another, "he was 
very ugly, with small grey wandering eyes ; his nose was thick and 
bulbous ; his legs bony and bandy {cagneuses) ; his thighs 
emaciated, with enormous knock-knees." His portraits hardly 
justify these reproaches, and his subjects, as at Chalons, when they 
saw him, pronounced him une belle per sonne. 

The verdict of his latest biographer represents the Dauphin as 
true to himself and his Cause, while others forsook him ; tenaciously 
resolute; rich in good sense and knowledge of affairs. "His 
physical advantages, his kindness of manner, won the favour of his 
people," and a contemporary styles him " a handsome Prince, well- 
languaged, and full of pity for the poor." He was very devout, 
" his piety was sincere." He was devoted to St. Michael, Jeanne's 
own archangel. He was generous to others, — and to himself; 
luxurious, fond of horses. But even the apologist of the Dauphin 
confesses that he was the slave of his favourites, blind to their 
defects ; ready to suffer anything from them. These Royal 
qualities of blind subservience to non-military favourites wrecked 
the enterprise of Jeanne d'Arc. It was for this ambiguous indolent 
Dauphin, " always wishing to hide from his people in castles and 
holes and corners," as one of his Council told him in 1434, that the 
Maid gave her life and death, her action and her passion ; for she 
saw in him the son of St. Louis, of the holy blood of France. The 
Dauphin, to her, was but the sacred symbol of the France for which 
she died. 

Henry V and Charles VI passed away within two months of 
each other (August 31, October 22, 1422). England was left by 
Henry, during the minority of his infant son, to the care of his 
brother Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester ; while his other brother, 


John, Duke of Bedford, was Regent of France. Bedford was an 
able administrator ; he governed Normandy, Paris, and the 
north, as Edward I would have governed Scotland, but for the 
dagger-stroke of Bruce in the church of the Grey Friars at 
Dumfries. He married Anne, sister of the Duke of Burgundy, 
while another marriage severed Bretagne from the party of France, 
or left it wavering till, in 1428, it swore to be loyal to England. 
A war of partisans devastated and ruined the country north of the 
Loire ; and if the Scots won for France the great victory of Bauge* 
Bridge, slaying the Royal Duke of Clarence, the battle of Cravant 
(July 30, 1423) was equally disastrous to the French and to the 
Scottish contingent The battle of Verneuil (August 17, 1424) 
was another Agincourt ; the Scots were nearly exterminated. The 
Dauphin was reduced to loiter, amuse himself, and pray at 
intervals, in a kind of listless despair, at Bourges, at Chinon, and 
Gien on the Loire. In the summer of Verneuil fight, apparently, 
or in the following year, her Voices and visions awoke in Jeanne 
d'Arc, a child of thirteen, and told her of " the great pity that was 
in France." 

A political and personal quarrel between Humphrey, Duke of 
Gloucester, brother of the Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, on 
one side ; and Philippe, Duke of Burgundy, son of the murdered 
Jean sans Peur, led to negotiations between the Dauphin Charles 
and the avenger of the deed at Montereau. The Duke of Savoy 
arranged a conference at Macon (December 1424), and thenceforth, 
while the Maid lived, perfidious and partial truces between France 
and Burgundy never quite ceased to exist. Among the repre- 
sentatives of the Dauphin was Regnault de Chartres, Archbishop of 
Reims, a name fatal in the history of Jeanne d'Arc. The policy of 
Regnault de Chartres was not to drive the English out of France 
by a series of miraculous victories, but to patch up peace and 
alliance with England's ally, Philippe, Duke of Burgundy. With- 
out the support of Burgundy, England could not hold France 
down, and Regnault de Chartres, with La Trdmoille, who had a 
foot in both camps, and with other politicians, was to interrupt 


the triumphs of the Maid, and entangle her sword in a coil of 
diplomatic red tape. 

In the negotiations of 1424 between the Dauphin, Burgundy, 
and Bretagne, Arthur, Comte de Richemont, representing Bretagne, 
took part, while Am^dee, Duke of Savoy, acted as " the friendly 
broker." But the Duke of Burgundy, before accepting the 
advances and excuses of the Dauphin, insisted that he should 
" discourt," and abjure the advisers guilty of the death of Jean 
sans Peur. Truces were, meanwhile, arranged. 

Among the negotiators the most important personage was 
Arthur, Comte de Richemont, second son of the wavering Jean v, 
Due de Bretagne. He was of distinguished courage ; at 
Agincourt he had been discovered under a heap of the slain, 
and he had shared the English exile of the Due d'Orleans. 
He could now bring into the field the lances of the Breton 
nobles, de Laval, de Rieux, de Rais, de Montauban, de Chateau- 
briand, and a force of sturdy archers. He was an austere man, 
no amiable favourite. Through him, if the Dauphin would 
dismiss from his councils the murderers of Jean sans Peur, the 
interests of France, Burgundy, and Bretagne might be combined 
against England. But the favourites, or rather the masters of 
the Dauphin Charles, were alarmed by the prospect of finding 
a rival in de Richemont, the new Constable. " The king," as a 
minister of James VI said, "is like a jackanapes. If I hold him, I 
can make him bite you ; if you hold him, you can make him bite 
me." The favourites of the Dauphin, their hands red with the 
blood of Jean sans Peur, caused Arthur de Richemont to swear 
that he would not make the Dauphin bite them (February 7, 1425). 
The Constable then vowed never to allow the men of the bridge of 
Montereau to be driven from office. 

De Richemont next, as Constable of France, began to organise 
the forces of Bretagne. But the Dauphin had sworn to drive away 
the assassins in his council, men hateful alike to Bretagne and 
Burgundy. They, however, during the absence of de Richemont, 
held the Dauphin. De Richemont, despite his covenant with 


them (of February 7, 1425), drove them and their tame Dauphin 
from place to place, until they were compelled to quit the Court. 

One of the favourites alone remained, Giac, regarded as most 
guilty of the murder of Jean sans Peur. He pilfered public 
moneys, encouraged military and civil anarchy, and had a deadly 
quarrel with the other favourite, the wealthy and detested La 
Tremoi'lle, suspected of treachery on all hands, who " financed " 
the Dauphin to his own profit. Early in 1427 the Constable, de 
Richemont, had the intolerable Giac seized in bed : the Dauphin 
rose and armed himself ; there was a palace revolution ; and, by 
the Constable's orders, Giac, despite his offers of his huge fortune 
for his life, was drowned. The heroes of the Raid of Ruthven, in 
Scotland, acted on these methods of changing the administration, 
but were scarcely so ferocious. The angry Dauphin appeared to 
acquiesce ; Giac was succeeded by a new favourite who followed 
in his footsteps, and, by the Constable's desire, was cut down 
within the Dauphin's sight. The Marechal de Boussac and 
de Sainte Severe, who fought for France at the Siege of Orleans, 
gave the orders for this ll execution " a la Riccio. 

The Constable, de Richemont, now offered to the Dauphin a 
new favourite, La Tr^moille (born 1382 and bred at the Court of 
Burgundy). " You will repent it," said the Dauphin, " I know him 
better than you do." The Constable, France, and, above all others, 
Jeanne d' Arc, had reason to deplore the advent of a man " who 
for six years was the evil genius of king and country," says the 
most friendly of the biographers of the King. 

La Tremoille, born of a noble house, had his part in the murder 
of Giac, and married the widow of his victim. He had been 
chamberlain of the Duke of Burgundy ; all his family were of the 
Burgundian party ; he himself had a foot in both camps, and was 
regarded as a double traitor. He is said to have inspired the 
Dauphin with horror and hatred towards de Richemont ; but that 
seems to have been superfluous. La Tremoi'lle made " bands," 
as against de Richemont, with several powerful nobles, including 
the young Due d'Alencon, and associated himself with Regnault 


de Chartres, Chancellor of the realm and Archbishop of Reims. 
Private war broke out among these enemies : while England was 
actually mustering the forces destined to besiege Orleans (July 
1428) and during the siege, the men of de Richemont were not 
aiding France, but attacking the bands of La Tremoille. 

It was to the singular Court of this Dauphin, whence de 
Richemont had been banished, that Jeanne brought her aid in 
March 1429. She could defeat the English, she could rally and 
inspire the fighting men ; but she could never inspire, she could 
never convince, she could never instruct these wretched dupes of 
Burgundy, the politicians. We are to see her first hampered, 
then disavowed, by the Archbishop of Reims ; we are to see her 
eagerly welcoming the sword which de Richemont offered vainly 
to the Dauphin ; we are to see her failure to win for France the 
alliance of the Due de Bretagne ; we are to find her detecting, in 
July 1429, the Burgundian trickeries which deceived her King till 
May 1430. To her the gallant Talbot, and Glasdale, and Suffolk 
were to prove more honourable and less dangerous foes than the 
scepticism of Regnault de Chartres and the worldly wisdom of 
La Tremoille. Her best allies were to be the men who, with 
all their reckless vices, were least unlike herself, the active and 
daring captains of armed companies, the dauntless Poton de 
Saintrailles ; the brave and intelligent Dunois, then styled the 
Bastard of Orleans ; the audacious cavalry leader, La Hire, with 
Florent d'llliers, Ambroise de Lore, and her favourite, her beau 
Due d'Alencon, who, when taken prisoner at Verneuil, refused to 
accept liberty without a ransom on the condition of deserting the 
cause of France. However deeply d'Alencon, in later years, may 
have fallen from his faith, and failed "to keep the bird in his 
bosom," he was ever loyal to the standard of the Maid. 

Meanwhile, after the catastrophe of Verneuil, France was saved 
for a while by the desperate personal and political quarrel between 
Bedford's brother, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, and England's 
ally, the Duke of Burgundy. Another quarrel between Gloucester 
and his uncle, son of John of Gaunt, the Bishop of Winchester, 


Cardinal Beaufort, stained the streets of London with blood. 
Bedford was compelled for seventeen months to leave Paris and 
restore order and confidence at home. But, till the " stroke of 
God," as Bedford called it, at Orleans, he expresses himself well 
satisfied with the progress of English conquest in France. 

In December 1433 he notified to Henry VI, " all things prospered 
for you till the time of the siege of Orleans " ; though, in fact, 
there had been one or two checks, as at Montargis. 

From England in 1427, Bedford brought a relatively large 
force, vaguely reckoned at 10,000 men, with artillery of every 
calibre. He may have had 3000 men of all arms. A new 
campaign was planned, more men were needed, and recruiting 
went busily on during the spring of 1428, under the Earl of 
Salisbury in England. The result of military deliberations, con- 
trary to Bedford's own desire, was the English move on Orleans, 
in September-October 1428. The initial activity of Jeanne d'Arc, 
we shall see, began in May 1428, but was then frustrated. 

Such were the military and political conditions. We turn to 
the local surroundings of the Maid. 


The sketch of La Trdmoi'lle is taken from a work by the 
present head of his House, Les Trfonoille pendant cinq Siecles, 
vol. i. pp. xiii-xxiii, Nancy, 1890. We must remember that La 
Tr^moi'lle not only received great gifts from his king, but also 
lent him money. After a study of the accounts, however, I believe 
that La Tr^moi'lle had by far the better in the exchanges. 


Domremy, in which Jeanne was born (January 6, 141 2?), is one 
of many villages that nestle by the banks of the Upper Meuse. 
The straggling river, broken by little isles, and fringed with reeds, 
flows clear in summer ; the chub and dace may be seen through 
its pellucid water, unbroken as it is by dimples of the rising 
trout. As in a Hampshire chalk-stream the long green tresses 
of the water-weeds wave and float, the banks are gardens of 
water-flowers, the meadows are fragrant with meadow-sweet. After 
the autumn rains the river spreads in shallow lagoons across the 
valley, reflecting the purple and scarlet of the vineyards. 

The scene, on a larger scale, much resembles the valley of 
the Test at Longparish, with its old red-roofed villages, mills, and 
mill-leads ; but the surrounding hills are higher, and in places are 
covered with dark forests. The climate is temperate, the people 
are grave, — " Seldom die, never lie," is a local proverb attesting 
their longevity and truthfulness. 

Though the house of Jeanne d'Arc, and the village church where 
she prayed, still exist, terribly " restored," they contain little that is 
old, except the ancient receptacle of holy water, shaped like a stone 
cannon. Little is here that to the Maid was familiar; but the 
aspect of her country, the river wherein her father threatened to 
drown her ; the oakwood, even the clear fountain where once she 
saw her Saints, are almost unchanged. 

The Meuse flowing north past the legendary oak forest, "le 
Bois Chesnu," separates, on the left, Jeanne's linked villages of 

Domremy and Greux from the villages of Maxey and the two 



Bureys, before it reaches the walled town of the region, Vaucouleurs, 
then held for the Dauphin by a stout, rough, humorous captain, 
Robert de Baudricourt. The villenie of Vaucouleurs, including 
Domremy and Greux, was a kind of island of loyalty in a region 
either Anglo- Burgundian, or alien, in a territorial sense, to France. 
From the Duchy of Loraine the house of the father of Jeanne 
was separated only by a little burn, or it was even on the Loraine 
side of the march, for the inconstant stream is said to have 
changed its course once or more than once. Whatever the truth 
may be, a point on which much learning has been expended, 
Jeanne and Charles VII agreed in regarding the sites of Domremy 
and Greux as French soil, though the habit by which Domremy 
people spoke of "going into France" suggests that their village 
may once have been regarded as on the Loraine side of the 
march. To the west, Champagne, with Troyes and Reims, was 
Anglo-Burgundian ; on more sides than one the local seigneurs 
were " false Frenchmen," like the de Vergy family ; or changed 
sides at will, like Robert de Saarbruck, the blackmail-levying 
Damoiseau of Commercy. None the less Robert de Baudricourt 
held high the flag of France in the castle of Vaucouleurs, which, 
while Jeanne dwelt at Domremy, was seriously threatened, as far 
as we know, only on one occasion (1428). 

In Domremy, about 1410, dwelt Jacques d'Arc, a native of 
Ceffonds in Champagne, with his wife, from Vouthon, named 
Isabelle (de Vouthon), and called Romee, whether by reason of 
a pilgrimage achieved by her, to Rome or to some famous 
distant shrine, or because she inherited the surname. The mother 
of the Maid was certainly devout, and, even in middle age, not 
destitute of energy and a taste for pious adventure. The parents 
of the Maid were good Catholics, of good repute, and honourable 
position as "labourers." Jacques owned horses and cattle, in 142 1 
was doyen of his village, and in 1427 represented it in some 
litigation. He was a relatively rich and a prominent member of 
his little community. 

In front of the village of Domremy, at the foot of a line of 


low hills which command, on the west, the valley of the Meuse, 
was a place of strength generally named " the castle of the island." 
This castle had a large court, walled and fortified, and a great 
garden, enclosed by a moat ; there was also a chapel dedicated 
to Our Lady. The island itself was formed by the stream of the 
Meuse, which it divided. The hold belonged to the family of 
Bourlemont, seigneurs of the village ; but the Bourlemonts had, 
before 1420, ended in an heiress, whose daughter and successor 
in the estates had married and lived at Nancy, with her lord 
Henri d'Ogiviller. 

The castle, court, gardens, and adjoining pasture land were 
let to a little syndicate of the villagers, on a lease running from 
April 2, 1420, to June 24, 1429, about a week after the time 
when Jeanne was at the great French victory of Pathay. The 
village syndicate paid rent for the deserted fortress in money and 
in services. They were seven in number, with two chief and lead- 
ing tenants, Jean Biget, of whom no more is known, and Jacques 
dArc, the father of the Maid. Jacques d'Arc was manifestly a 
person of substance for his station in life, and in the fortress of 
the isle he had a place of strength, where his little children could 
play at sieges, and act scenes of the chivalrous life ; while, in times 
of danger, they helped to drive the cattle and pigs of the villagers 
within the fortified castle court. 

Fancy (which plays too great a part in biographies of the 
Maid) may legitimately paint her as she walks alone, beneath the 
poplar trees, in the deserted alleys of the feudal garden, under the 
blank windows of the silent untenanted castle. May she not, as a 
child, have conceived of herself as the chdtelaine of a fairy fortress, 
and practised, in day dreams, the courtly manners which she brought 
to the Court? 

Of Jacques dArc we know little more except that he was 
naturally averse, later, to the strange adventure of his daughter, 
and two years before she declared her mission, dreamed, to his 
horror, that he saw Jeanne going away with men-at-arms. " In 
that case," he said to his sons, " you must drown her or I will." 


The death by water, the death by fire, were threats with which 
Jeanne was familiar. " My father and mother held me in great 
subjection," said the Maid. She disobeyed them but once, namely, 
in going whither her Voices called her. 

The Maid had two elder brothers, Jacques or Jacquemin, who 
lived at Vouthon, Jean, and a sister, Catherine, who died young ; 
she had also a brother Pierre. The only known educated persons 
among her near kin were her maternal uncle, a curt, and a cousin- 
german, Nicolas Romee, called de Vouthon, a religious of the 
Abbey of Cheminon, who later served as her almoner and chaplain. 
(Concerning him there are some doubts.) Jeanne herself could 
not read or write, and learned her Ave Maria, Pater Noster, and 
Creed from her mother. The birth-year of the Maid is not known 
with certainty: all evidence proves that it was in 1410-1412, and 
we shall provisionally accept, with M. Simeon Luce, the date of 

As to the birthday of Jeanne, we have only one indication. 
After her triumphs at Orleans, Perceval de Boulainvilliers, in a 
letter to a foreign prince, told the following tale. On the night 
of the Epiphany (January 6, Twelfth Night), when men are wont 
to commemorate with jollity the acts of Christ, the Maid was born. 
" All the peasants of her village were moved with a great joy, and, 
knowing nothing about the birth of the Maid, they ran up and down, 
trying to find out what novelty had occurred. The cocks, like 
heralds of the new mirth, broke out beyond their wont, crowing 
and flapping their wings, and, for some two hours seemed to 
prognosticate the occurrence." 

There is no reason why all this should not have occurred. The 
facts are not miraculous, but highly probable ; the interpretation 
of the facts as miraculous was made apres coup; after Jeanne 
became renowned as the girl who promised to save France. We 
know that Twelfth Night was a merry, noisy night, with its feast 
of the King and Queen of the Bean. Mary Stuart always kept 
the festival in great splendour at Holyrood, decking one of her 
Maries with all the Royal jewels as Queen of the Bean. Villagers, 


in their own way, were as merry and more noisy, and would run 
about in high spirits, and awaken the poultry. As for the crowing 
of the cocks, thus rudely aroused, 

"Some say, that ever 'gainst that season comes 
Wherein our Saviour's birth is celebrated, 
The bird of dawning singeth all night long.'' 

{Hamlet, Act I. Scene I.) 

Thus the story recorded by Boulainvilliers comes to no more 
than this : Jeanne dArc was born on Twelfth Night, January 6. 
The festivity and the cock-crowings were the usual accompaniments 
of the festival. 

A new myth, however, has been evolved about the birth of the 
Maid. Her latest historian says, " From the first, people wanted 
to make out that the marvels which had signalised the nativity of 
Jesus were repeated on the advent of Jeanne d'Arc. It was 
imagined that she was born on the night of Christmas {Noel). The 
shepherds of the village, moved by an unspeakable joy of which 
they knew not the cause, ran about in the dark to seek for the 
unknown marvel. The cocks " (behaved as they do in the letter 
of Boulainvilliers). " Thus the child had in her cradle her Adora- 
tion of the Shepherds." 

Christmas is not Twelfth Night, though the critic identifies the 
two festivals. There were no shepherds in the case, — swine-herds 
there may have been, — but the villagers " knew nothing of the birth 
of the Maid," says Boulainvilliers, and therefore did not adore and 
disturb the cradle of the newborn child of Jacques dArc. Learn- 
ing hath its bubbles as legend has, " and these are of them." 
{Macbeth, Act I. Scene 3.) We may take it, without undue 
credulity, that Jeanne d'Arc was born on January 6, 141 2. Of 
her earliest years, till she was twelve or thirteen, nothing is recorded 
except her participation in the pastimes of the village children. 

An intelligent girl of twelve or thirteen, even in a remote and 
relatively quiet corner, would hear abundant talk concerning the 
great wars, and the havoc wrmight by the English, and the routieis 


or armed bands, who fought now for England and Burgundy, now 
for the Armagnacs, the French party ; or plundered for their own 
hands, taking advantage of the prevalent anarchy. It were a strange 
mistake to think that when there were no newspapers there was 
no news, and no interest in public affairs. In countries such as 
France then was, as in the Highlands in the eighteenth century, 
or in Africa now, it was the duty of every wayfarer to tell what 
news he had, and to gather more. On the roads, pedlars, mer- 
chants, and pilgrims were always passing to and fro, all eager to 
hear or to tell any new thing. As in the Douglas wars of King's 
men and Queen's men, in the minority of James VI, everybody 
took sides. The boys in Scotland fought for King or Queen, 
James or Mary ; and when Jeanne told her judges that her 
brothers and the other boys of Domremy, French in sympathy, 
came bleeding home from fights with the boys of Maxey, on the 
other side of the river, who were Burgundians, we may be certain 
that, though they would have thrown stones in any case, those 
stones were thrown in honour of the cause which they heard their 
fathers profess. The elders of Domremy and Maxey did not fight, 
but argued on the Armagnac or the Burgundian side. They 
heard of Bauge* Bridge and of Verneuil fight, and rejoiced or 
regretted the results, little as these affected their daily lives. Born 
on the right side of the Meuse, Jeanne might have been Burgundian 
in sympathy. Born on the left side, the sorrows of France were 
her inspiration. 

She scarcely regarded herself, we saw, as a native of France. 
Voices bade her " go into France," as if Domremy were outside of 
France. (She also, later, spoke of the He de France as " France.") 
But her pitying loyalty to the Dauphin — while he remained un- 
crowned she never spoke of him as "king" — was a matter of 
personal as much as of patriotic sentiment. 

The intellectual influences that reached her were those of the 
Church, of common talk, and of local tradition, — in fact, of folklore. 
A girl who constantly frequented the village church, which was 
only severed by the graveyard from her father's garden close, 


would hear sermons that touched on politics, and on the sorrows 
of her uncrowned king. Wandering Cordeliers, mendicant 
Franciscan brethren, as a rule French in sympathy, might be 
entertained by her father, and would talk politics of their own 
sort by her father's fireside. Jeanne's first conception of her 
mission was that she must lead her prince to be consecrated at 
Reims with the holy oil, brought by an angel to St. Remy. She 
could not discover by the light of nature the mystic efficacy of the 
consecration of the monarch, and of the holy oil from the Sainte 
Ampoule {ampulla) of St. Remy, the patron of her village church 
and of Reims. The cure, Minet, who baptized her, and other clerics, 
were likely to preach much on the famous legend of the village 
patron saint. Concerning other saints, the preachers, and ecclesi- 
astical folklore and mystery plays, would inevitably give copious 
information. Relics were abundant, and were carried about for 
exhibition ; women loved to touch them with their rings. Jeanne 
and other children bore garlands of flowers to saintly shrines, to 
St. Bermont, for example, and heard the chapel legends. To her 
Charlemagne was as much a saint as St. Louis ; but her favourites 
were St. Catherine of Alexandria, and St. Margaret; her sister 
was named after St. Catherine, to whom a church in Maxey was 

Neither lady has any sufficient historical credentials. Though 
the dialectical skill with which St. Catherine vanquished the 
heathen doctors cannot have been, to the ignorant Jeanne, the 
most attractive portion of her legend, Jeanne was to stand up like 
Catherine against contentious doctors, first at Poitiers, in the dawn 
of her great adventure ; last, at its close, in Rouen. St. Catherine 
could not have shown more acuteness, loyalty, and untaught 
sagacity than Jeanne. St. Margaret was of almost equal renown. 
Relics of St. Margaret, her head, belt, and one arm, were farmed 
out for forty-six francs eight gros to two Macon men, who probably 
carried them about and exhibited them for money. But as this 
was done in January- August 1441, ten years after the death of 
the Maid, she was unaffected by the exhibition of the relics. Both 


Saints were beautiful, and were sought by many wooers. Jeanne, 
according to several knights who had been much in her company, 
did not arouse their passions, " because of the goodness which is 
in her," propter bonitatem suam, says one of them, Bertrand de 
Poulengy. Few, if any, fair Saints were like Jeanne in this respect, 
they were always pursued by enterprising admirers. 

The third of Jeanne's spiritual guides, St. Michael, was very 
popular in France at the time. He guarded the castle of St. 
Michael in Normandy against the English, was an armed and 
militant archangel, and figured in the standard of Charles VII. 

Every child in France had many opportunities of seeing images 
and relics of the Saints, and their effigies on the windows of the 
churches. Each pious child was, and still is, apt to have a special 
devotion to some Saint or Saints. In these ways Jeanne did not 
differ from devout boys and maids, such as St. Theresa was when 
she set forth, as a little girl, to seek martyrdom among the Moors. 

But Jeanne's desire was to do rather than to suffer. Mean- 
while she played and danced with the other boys and girls, till, 
when she was about thirteen, came the sudden change in her life, 
came the visions and the Voices. After that, she says, she seldom 
danced and sang. 

The sports of the children were associated with ideas on the 
borders of folklore and religion. The fairy folklore influenced 
Jeanne not at all, though it was to have for her the most perilous 
consequences. The place of the oak, and of other trees, in ancient 
religions of tree-worship, has been illustrated by the learning of 
Mr. Frazer, for classical beliefs ; and, thanks to the stories of 
Druids in Celtic Britain, is popularly known. Old religions die 
hard, melting into peasant superstitions ; and these clung about the 
oaks of Domremy as much as about Eildon Hill. 

Within half a league of Domremy, and visible, Jeanne said, 
from the door of her father's house, was a forest called Oakwood, 
le Bois Chesnu % nemus quercosum. Now, according to Jean Brehal, 
Inquisitor, and one of the clerical legists who were judges in the 
Trial for the Rehabilitation of the Maid (1450-1456), the old 


name of the forest was Nemus Canutum {Bois C/ienu), " whence 

grew," says Brehal, " an ancient popular rumour, that a Maid should 

be born in this place, who should do great deeds." Brehal then 

quotes a prophecy of Merlin to the effect that " a marvellous Maid 

will come from the Nemus Canutum^ for the healing of nations." 

In the prophecies attributed to Merlin by Geoffrey of Monmouth 

(1 140) there is talk of a Maid from the Nemus Canutum > which had 

come, says Brehal, to be understood as referring to the Bois Chesnu. 

The vulgaris et antiqua precrebuit fama, — the echo of the supposed 

prophecies of Merlin won its way, like the predictions of Thomas 

the Rhymer, into folklore. T\v& Nemus Canutum once identified 

with the Bois Chesnu^ on the marches of Loraine (really it was in 

Britain), a wonderful firgin was^xpe&ted to come from the marches 

of Loraine to rescue "France. \The evolution of the idea is clearly 

traceable, thus : A generation before the time of Jeanne, a visionary 

from the south, naimed jvlarie dAvignon, visited Charles VI, then 

\ ,f \. 

suffering under his ruinous" wife, Isabelle of Bavaria. Marie 
had dreamed a dream in^which she beheld arms and armour. 
She said that she could not use these, and was told that they 
were for a Maid who should restore France. This dream, known 
far and wide, was suggested by the Merlin prediction about a Maid 
from the Nemus Canutum ; that grove was recognised in the Bois 
Chesnu on the marches of LoraiiQe, and in that region, folklore 
averred that " a Maid who is to restore France, ruined by a woman, 
shall come from the marches 01 Loraine." Prophecies from all 
sorts of sources were always current in the Middle Ages. This 
folklore fable was to have a great effect on Jeanne's career. 

The alleged prophecies of Bede and Merlin were widely 
circulated in manuscripts. They were apt to be quoted in 
sermons ; they became matters of popular information ; they were 
constantly consulted and applied to any new notable events. 
There is no reason to suppose that " forged prophecies " of 
Merlin were "the means by which the young inspired girl was 
put in motion " — by some unknown churchmen, or that " without 
these pious frauds the miracles of the Maid would never have 


been wrought." The inspiration of the Maid arose in her visions 
and Voices, in 1424 or 1425. We have no evidence that she had 
heard of the Merlin prophecy of the Victorious Virgin till after 
she announced her mission, — till 1428-1429, — and no fraudulent 
priest was needed to convey to her ears the ll ancient popular 

The oak wood, in which swine, the chief exportable commodity 
of the region, fed on the acorns, also sheltered wolves ; and the 
story ran that they never harmed the sheep shepherded by Jeanne. 
The enemy never touched the cattle of any of her familiars. This 
tale clearly comes from Domremy, with the story of the crowing 
cocks, and suggests that the villagers suffered little, if at all, from 
plunderers. As the flocks of the villagers were pastured on the 
common near the village, and watched by the children of various 
parents in their turn, it is probable that all the little shepherdesses 
were as fortunate as Jeanne. According to a hostile contem- 
porary, the birds fed from her lap, which has nothing to surprise 
us, if the child sat quietly alone. Thoreau was not unique in 
possessing the intimacy of birds ; and a chaffinch has sat on my 
leg and looked friendly even at me, in a little wood ; while the 
shy kingfisher has perched on my fishing-rod; and a "heather 
linty," on the Naver, has flown to seek my protection from a 
hawk. The robin, a daring bird, easily learns to feed from any 
kind hand. 

The forest had other tenants than birds and wolves. There 
was, as Jeanne told her judges, a beech near Domremy called 
" the Ladies' tree " or " the Fairies' tree," and hard by there was a 
fountain. The water was thought medicinable, and Jeanne had 
seen people come thither to be healed of fevers ; whether they 
were any the better or not she did not know. There was a great 
tree called "the fair May," where she used to dance with other 
little girls, and weave garlands for our Lady of Domremy, and 
make a " man of the May," a Jack in the Green. She often heard 
from her elders that the lady fairies {Domince Fatales, fatal they 
proved to her) were conversant there. One of her own god- 


mothers, wife of Maire Aubery, or Aubrit, said that she had 
seen the fairies. Jeanne knew not whether this were true or not. 
Probably the godmother spoke but godmotherly. Jeanne said 
she had never seen fairies at that tree, as far as she knew. She 
and the other little girls hung garlands on the boughs ; sometimes 
they left them there, sometimes took them away. She danced 
there little after she knew of her mission, and sang more than 
she danced. Her grave days began when she " learned that she 
must go into France." She never heard that there were fairies 
in the oak wood. But one of her brothers told her that, according 
to the clash of the countryside, she " had got her case " {ceperat 
factum suunt) in the wood. She told her brother that this was 

When she went to the Dauphin at Chinon, some asked her if 
the Bois Chesnu was in her country, because there were prophecies 
that thence should come a Maid to do wonders. She herself had 
no belief in this prediction. If so she was wiser than her learned 
seniors. We shall find later that she spoke of the prophecy, or of 
a similar saying, in 1429, before she went to Chinon. 

The judges at Rouen had made inquiries at Domremy, and 
put the questions in folklore (or, as they thought, daemonology), to 
which Jeanne replied. They asked what she knew of " those who 
travel in the air with the fairies." She had heard the talk oi 
them, "but does not believe in it." We have more folklore in 
the evidence of Morel, a peasant of Greux. Since the Gospel 
of St. John was read aloud in the fairy haunts, the fays go there 
no more. The Sunday in Lent called Lcetare was styled " the day 
of Fountains," and then boys and girls used to dance at the Fairy 
tree, and picnic there, having little cakes made for them, and 
would drink the water and sing at the Fontaine des Groseillers. 
The tree, according to Jeanne Thesselin, was said, in a romance 
which she had heard read aloud, to have been the trysting-place 
where Pierre, Lord of Bourlemont, met his fairy love, as Thomas 
of Ercildoune met his Fairy Queen at the Eildon tree. The 
feasts below the tree were perfectly recognised gatherings. Pierre 


de Bourlemont, Lord of the Manor, and his wife, Beatrix, used to 
take part in these rural revels, usually held on the Sunday in Lent 
called Lcetare, or des Fontaines. They drank of the fountain ; the 
Church patronised what may have been a survival of paganism, 
or may have been a mere traditional holiday. There was no 
evidence that Jeanne went to that tree alone: she did what all 
the young people did and continued to do. 

The judges made their own bad use of the information. To 
us it only proves that the children were gay and merry in 
Domremy; that they were not subdued by the black cloud of 
war. The ancient Celtic tree-worship, perhaps, lent grace to the 
romance of the life of the children, then as now. " In spring," 
said Gerardin, a peasant sixty years of age, " that tree is as fair 
as lily flowers, the leaves and branches sweep the ground." These 
people were not brutalised. The same witness said that he had 
known the Maid. " She was modest, simple, devout ; went gladly 
to church and to sacred places ; worked, sewed, hoed in the fields, 
and did what was needful about the house." 

This is a summary of all that the surviving neighbours of 
Jeanne had to say, in 1450-1456, about the pensive dark-haired 
girl with the happy face. The questions to which answers were 
demanded of the neighbours, at the Trial of Rehabilitation, 
conducted by the Inquisitor in 1450-1456, were (after pre- 
liminaries as to her near kinsfolk and godparents) : 

1. Was she early and duly instructed in faith and morals, 
considering her age and social position ? 

2. How did she behave in youth, from her seventh year till 
she left her father's house? 

3. Did she often, and willingly, frequent church and holy places ? 

4. How did she occupy herself in this period of her youth ? 

5. Did she confess herself often and willingly? 

6. What do you know about her in connection with the fairy 
tree and fountain ? 

7. How did she leave home, and what do you know of her 
journey (to Chinon). 


8. Was information taken in her native place, by authority of 
her judges, when she was held captive by the English ? 

9. When she once left home for Neufchateau, by reason of 
the men-at-arms, was she always in the company of her parents ? 

These were the questions put to survivors who had known 
Jeanne at Domremy. This part of the examination began in 
January 145 5-1456. Of no village folk in that remote age is so 
much known as is known about the folk of Domremy. By reason 
of the Maid their obscure names and their ways will never be 
forgotten while civilisation endures. " She was such that, in a 
way of speaking, all the people of Domremy were fond of her." 
She ploughed, watched the cattle, sewed, and did other woman's 
work. She was sometimes in church when her parents thought 
that she was in the fields. When she heard the bell for Mass, 
she came to church. She went often to confession. " There was 
not a better in the two villages " (Domremy and Greux). " For 
the love of God she gave alms ; and if she had money would have 
given it to the curate, Guillaume Fronte, for Masses to be said." 
" She often went to church when other girls went to dance." She 
used to urge the beadle to ring the church bells punctually, 
giving him little presents. Her little friend Hauviette wept sorely 
when the Maid left Domremy, M she loved her so much for her 
goodness." Often she withdrew from the games of the children 
to pray, and they used to laugh at her. She was wont to nurse 
sick people ; she took care of Simon Musnier when he was ill, as 
he well remembered. She would lie by the hearth all night, and 
let poor people sleep in her bed. 

Nicolas Bailly, who had examined twelve or fifteen Domremy 
witnesses for the English judges of 143 1, said that they gave 
much the same testimony as the twenty-eight witnesses gave in 
1456. He sent in his reports, and was told by his employer that 
he and his assistants were " false Armagnacs." 

Indeed the prosecution, in 143 1, had to make the most of the 
wickedness of the Fairy tree at Domremy, and to assert that a 
godmother who told the Maid that she had seen fairies was a 


bad old woman ; Domremy being noted for its witches. Jeanne 
was a witch, and did witchcraft under the Fairy tree, and had a 
mandrake, a forbidden root of magic. 

This is one of the most nefarious parts of the accusation. 
Nothing bad could be found in the evidence given at Domremy 
in 143 1, nothing more than folklore gossip, so the harmless Fairy 
tree, frequented by all the young people, was dwelt upon ; and 
reports of the blameless, charitable, industrious, and devout life 
of the Maid were suppressed. 

As far as the evidence from Domremy goes, till she asserted 
her mission, in May 1428, Jeanne was an ordinary example of 
the good, amiable, kind, religious peasant girl, liked by all, but 
laughed at a little, by the other young people, for her earnest 
piety. When she announced her mission, she said that God had 
called her "to go into France" and help the Dauphin. If she 
then told anything about the manner of her calling, the Voices 
and visions, the fact is nowhere reported. Of her conseil, as she 
called it, of " her brothers the Saints," she only spoke in general 
terms. She did not speak out till her trial at Rouen, and then 
could not be induced or compelled to offer details. Her soldiers 
had no idea that St. Michael was their General. Her trusted 
equerry and her very confessor knew not that she was visited by 
St. Catherine, St. Margaret, and St. Michael. 



"Ah listen, 'tis the nightingale, 
And in the wood he makes his wail 
Within the apple tree ! 

He sings for sorrow and distress 
Of many a maiden loverless, 

Thank God, no song for me ! " 

So one may paraphrase the sweet old French folk-song of the girl 
who has made up her mind not to be a nun, 

Serais je nonet te ? Crois que non ! 

The songs that have been on the lips of singing girls through so 
many generations, lilts that were chanted in Jeanne's own time, 
usually begin 

Derriere chez mon pire, 

and speak of " My father's garden close." 

" Within her father's garden-stead 
There are three white lilies, 
With the maiden to the lily-bed, 
With her soul to Paradise," 

says a ballad preserved by Gerard de Nerval. These ancient 
ditties tell us, like the feasts and dances below "the fair May, 
lovelier than lilies," of the mirth that was in old France despite 
the cruel wars. Perhaps folk were not less happy then, or less 
innocent, than the peasants of our time, as described in La 
Terre y by Monsieur Emile Zola. They slaved in no factories. 



They knew no conscription. They had a consoling and poetic 

We have seen that Jeanne had her share in the songs and the 
dances. But it was where the birds, in the French ballads, sing 
" Marry, maidens, marry ! " it was " in her father's garden close " 
that the Voices came to Jeanne, the Voices which were to make 
her, like Montrose, 

"At once her country's glory and its shame." 

We have two accounts of how the Voices came to the Maid. 
They are not irreconcilable. The earlier is found in a letter of 
June 21, 1429, already quoted, written by Perceval de Boulain- 
villiers to John (or Philip?), Duke of Milan, — " my most honoured 
Lord." The writer was "counsellor-chamberlain" of the King, 
Charles vil, and Seneschal of Berry. He had been employed in 
collecting recruits for French service in Scotland and Lombardy. 
Probably he wrote his letter of June 21, on the evidence of 
stories brought from Domremy by envoys of the learned Commis- 
sion which examined the Maid at Poitiers in March-April 1429; 
or he may even have had a second-hand knowledge of what she 
herself said to these doctors. He says that, in her thirteenth year, 
she, with some other girls, who were watching the sheep in the 
common meadow, ran a foot race for a bunch of flowers, or some 
such prize. She won so easily, and ran so fleetly, that in the eyes 
of lookers on her feet did not seem to touch the ground. One of 
the girls cried, " Jeanne, I see you flying close to the earth ! " 
" When the race was over, and Jeanne, at the limit of the meadow, 
was, as it were, rapt and distraught " (rapta et a sensibus alienatd), 
" resting and recovering herself, there was near her a youth who 
said, ' Jeanne, go home, for your mother says she needs you.' " 
Believing that it was her brother, or some other boy of the 
neighbourhood, she went home in a hurry. Her mother met and 
scolded her, asking why she had come home and left her sheep. 

" Did you not send for me?" asked the innocent Maid. 

" No ! " said her mother. 


Supposing that the boy had played a trick on her, she 
intended to return to her playmates, when suddenly a brilliant 
cloud passed before her eyes, and from the cloud came a voice 
saying " that she must change her course of life, and do marvellous 
deeds, for the King of Heaven had chosen her to aid the King of 
France. She must wear man's dress, take up arms, be a captain 
in the war, and all would be ordered by her advice." The Maid 
was stupefied by such a portent, and incredulous ; but the appear- 
ances continued by day and night ! She told of them to none but 
the curt, and, in 1429, these experiences had lasted for almost 
five years. 

On the evidence of Boulainvilliers, the date of the first 
experience must apparently have been 1424-1425, when Jeanne, as 
she said at her trial, was, as she believed, about thirteen. The 
command, mentioned by Boulainvilliers, about wearing man's 
dress (if such a command she received), was not earlier than 
February 1429. By the statement of Boulainvilliers, as by her 
own account, Jeanne never dreamed of aiding the Dauphin before 
the abnormal suggestions of the Voices came. By her own version 
she did not even speak of them to her curt or any other priest. 
Boulainvilliers said she spoke to her curt only. As for Jeanne's 
own account of her Voices, when examined at Rouen in 143 1, she 
frankly told her judges that "you may ask me about such or such 
a thing, concerning which I might answer truly, and about another 
thing I would not answer." 

She persisted in this attitude. She would swear to tell truth 
" as far as the questions were pertinent to the trial " {tangentes 
ad processuni), or to faith {ad fideni), but she must be the judge 
of what was pertinent. About certain matters, especially those 
visions concerning her king, she could not answer without perjuring 
herself — without breaking an oath of silence. On other matters 
she could not speak without permission from her Voices. About 
them, and about her visions of Saints, she could not be brought 
to enter into detail. As concerns her report of her visions and 
Voices, when she felt free to speak out, we may accept her evidence 


as absolutely veracious. Her experiences, astonishing as they 
seem, were real to her j she was 

"as true as truth's simplicity, 
And simple as the infancy of truth." 

Not even the threat of torture and the sight of the rack broke her 
determination to conceal certain revelations. 

Before giving the account of her visions and auditions which 
Jeanne presented to her judges, it is necessary to say that no 
critic, however sceptical, consistently doubts her veracity. To 
the last day of her life, though her faith in the heavenly origin 
of her experiences was shaken for an hour, she declared that the 
phenomena, whatever else they might be, were objective, as we 
say; that they had an external cause, were not illusions, but 
manifestations of beings other than herself. As M. Anatole 
France declares, " she had visions ; these were neither feigned nor 
produced by trickery {contrefaites). She really believed that she 
heard voices which spoke to her, and came from no human lips. 
... I have raised no doubts as to the sincerity of Jeanne. No 
man can suspect her of falsehood." 

Her own account of their origin, as given to her judges, ran 
thus : " When I was thirteen years old (or about thirteen) I had 
a Voice from God, to help me in my conduct. And, the first 
time, I was in great fear. It came, that Voice, about midday, in 
summer time, in my father's garden. I had not" (clearly in 
answer to a question) " fasted on the previous day. I heard the 
Voice from the right side towards the church, and I rarely hear 
it without seeing a light. The light is on the side from which 
the Voice comes." 

It has been supposed that the light always came from the 
side, and from the same side ; whence Jeanne, it is argued, was 
perhaps hysterical, being subject to unilateral hallucinations. But 
she told her judges, in answer to a question about an appearance, 
that " there was much light from every side " {ab omni parte), " as 
was fitting " {et quod hoc bene decet). 


She was asked how she could see a light that on one occasion 
was not in front of her ; a foolish question to which she did not 
reply. Her first emotions were those of fear, and of doubt as to 
what these things should signify. She conceived, however, that 
they marked her as one set apart : " The first time that I heard 
the Voice, I vowed to keep my maidenhood so long as God 
pleased." Her judges, had they known the superstition of the 
Scottish witches, — " in our covines " (assemblies) " we could do 
nothing without our maiden" — might have twisted even this pro- 
visional vow of virginity into a proof of her witchcraft. 

She believed that the Voice was of God, and, after hearing it 
thrice, knew it for the voice of an angel. The Voice was for her 
soul's health. " How did she know that ? " " Because it told 
her to be good and go often to church, and said that she must 
go into France." It is not apparent here that this command to go 
into France was not given from the first, there is no proof that it 
came later, after a period of mere religious and moral counsel. 
There is no warrant for the literary hypothesis that the Voices 
long confined themselves to pious advice, till some priest, hearing 
from her of the visions, induced the Voices to urge her to ride 
in the van of the army. On the other hand, when she set out 
for France in 1429, she told Jean de Novelonpont that, during 
four or five years (since 1424 or 1425) the Voices had pressed her 
mission upon her. The Voices had uttered their monitions since 
she was twelve or thirteen years old. 

The phenomena occurred twice or thrice a week. She would not 
say, yet, in what form the Voice came. She then told how she could 
not stay where she was, after the Voice bade her raise the siege of Or- 
leans (begun in October 1428), and was interrogated on other points. 

One examiner, Beaupere, was anxious to connect her experi- 
ences, causally, with her fasting in Lent, and with the sound of 
church bells. She certainly appears to have been apt to hear 
them during the ringing of church bells, whose music, says 
Coleridge, fell on his ears (as on Dick Whittington's), 
"Most like articulate sounds of things to come." 


The sounds of bells were not essential to her hearing of 
the Voices ; that, we shall see, is certain. She said that the 
Voices, on certain occasions, were those of St. Catherine and 
St. Margaret. " Their heads were crowned with fair crowns, richly 
and preciously. To speak of this I have leave from the Lord. 
If you doubt, send to Poitiers, where I was examined before" 
(March-April 1429). 

This is puzzling. She certainly appears to have described her 
visions, so far, to the Commission at Poitiers. If so, the Doctors 
kept their own counsel, for there is not a hint of the appearances, 
or even of the names of the Saints, in any known evidence before 
her trial in 1431. The "Book of Poitiers," to which she often 
referred, as we show later, was not produced. Nothing is 
known about it, and it was not referred to in the Trial of 
1450-1456. Clearly some person was interested in causing the 
concealment or destruction of this record, and that some 
one was not the Maid. The President of the Board of 
Examiners was the Archbishop of Reims, who later disparaged 
the Maid. 

Jeanne distinguished the Saints by their naming each other 
and by their method of salutation. They had been with her for 
seven years (in 143 1, therefore since 1424). She would give no 
details. She had forgotten which of the lady Saints appeared first, 
but it was recorded in the Book of Poitiers. Before the two 
Saints came, the Archangel Michael had appeared, and promised 
their arrival. Angels were in his company. " I saw them with my 
bodily eyes, as clearly as I see you ; and when they departed 
I used to weep, and wish that they would take me with them." 
She would not, she never would, describe the dress and aspect 
of St. Michael. That she " knew him by his arms," is a statement 
never made by her ; and though a passage from her evidence is 
quoted to that effect, it does not contain a word on the subject. , 
The voices of the Saints were beautiful, gentle and sweet. She 
" does not know " if they have arms. She had embraced the 
Saints, and had touched St. Catherine with her ring, and had 


placed chaplets by their images in churches. The judges could 
could get no more from her. 

The Saints appealed to all her senses, they were fragrant ; 
she saw, heard, and touched them. Probably they appeared to 
her in the guise which they bore in paintings and works of 
sculpture ; probably she saw St. Michael armed, and bearing 
the balances. She would not tell. We do not know why she 
should not have replied on these points ; but she " had not 
permission." If she had answered that she beheld the Saints as 
they appear in Catholic art, one does not see how such an 
answer could add to her peril. What trap did she consciously 
or sub-consciously suspect in these questions? Did she foresee 
that, if she described the Saints as they were rendered in art, 
the judges would say, u But the costume of the fourth century, 
when your Saints lived on earth, was not that of the fifteenth ! 
You have invented your story, or been deceived by fiends ! " 
They cunningly asked her if she had her angels painted ? " Yes, 
as they are painted in churches " ; so she parried the thrust. " Do 
you see them so ? " "I refuse to answer further." 

One thing is clear ; Jeanne made no conscious choice of Saints. 
She did not know who these shining figures were till they 
informed her. It is curious that while she, like St. Catherine, 
was to contend for her life with hostile learned clerks and 
Doctors, and while (in the words of an English biography of 
St. Catherine, written when Jeanne was in bondage) "the Arch- 
angel Michael came to comfort " the captive Saint ; while in prison 
at Rouen Jeanne never did see St. Michael. Her visions were not 
modelled on the lines of the contemporary legends of St. Michael 
and St. Catherine. 

It was, apparently, after the arrival of her visions that Jeanne 
became sedulously devout ; for which one witness, who was some 
twelve years older than she, confessed that he and other young 
men laughed at her. Since St. Remy was, as we saw, the patron 
of Domremy, and since the legend of the sacred oil brought for 
him, and used in consecrating the kings of France at Reims, was 


well known everywhere, it was natural that Jeanne should conceive 
the coronation of the Dauphin to be part of the duty laid on her 
Dy her Saints. 

For her part, Jeanne resisted, during three or four years, the 
commands of her Voices,— from 1424 to the spring of 1428. 
When they bade her go to Robert de Baudricourt, who would give 
her an armed escort into France, to raise the siege of Orleans, 
(begun in October 1428), she replied, "I am a poor girl, who 
cannot ride, or be a leader in war." 

The evidence is that Jeanne was not more staid than other 
little girls till 1424 or 1425, when her visions began ; that she then 
became more devout than other young people; and that she 
resisted, on the score of her sex, youth, poverty, and ignorance, the 
summons of her Voices, for three or four years, namely, till the 
spring of 1428. 

An attempt at suggesting a more or less plausible way of 
envisaging the practical experiences of Jeanne will be given 
later (Appendix D). Meanwhile it is to be remembered that, for 
years, the monitions which reached her from the Voices appeared 
to herself, even during the visions, as wild as they would have 
appeared to her most sceptical neighbours. She retained (she 
says) her normal common sense even when in the presence of her 
Saints, in what we might reckon an abnormal condition. This 
fact differentiates her from the genuine subjects of trance, who are 
wholly wrapped up in their visions. Jeanne can only be called une 
extatique by critics ignorant of the technical meaning of " ecstasy." 
" In ecstasy, thought and self-consciousness cease ... in ecstasy 
the seer no longer distinguishes himself from what he sees." 

On the other hand, hypnotised subjects often retain the normal 
elements of their character, resisting or trying to resist suggestions 
from the operator that they should do things contrary to their 
normal nature. But nobody has yet advanced the hypothesis that 
Jeanne was frequently hypnotised by her cure', and by a succession 
of other piously fraudulent priests ! 

We have, perhaps, only one description, by an eye-witness, of 


Jeanne at the moment of receiving a saintly message. The 
witness is her confessor, Pasquerel, who stood by her when, in 
answer to her letter to Glasdale, tied to an arrow, and shot across 
the gap in the bridge at Orleans, she was insulted and called " the 
harlot of the Armagnacs." She wept, she prayed, she was 
consoled, " because she had news from her Lord." Thus it is clear 
that her Voices came to her on occasions when she was not alone 
in a wood, or alone listening to church bells, and interpreting into 
audible words the rustling of the leaves or the music of the 
chimes. A lonely wood, or the sound of bells, offered propitious 
conditions for hearing the Voices ; the clamour of a crowd of 
churchmen in Court was unpropitious ; and in these circumstances 
the utterances of the Voices were but indistinctly audible. These 
are the facts, and nothing indicates that Jeanne, when she heard 
the Voices, was noticeably " dissociated," or in any manifestly 
abnormal condition. Nor is it true that she was "perpetually 
hallucinated," and, " as a rule " (Je plus souveni), " in no condition 
to discern between truth and falsehood," as has been alleged. 

There is no evidence for these statements. We always find 
Jeanne keenly alive to her surroundings, very vigilant and 

In battle she watched for every sign of failure in the enemy's 
strength and resolution, and kept a keen eye on the hostile guns ; 
n that gun will be your death, if you stay where you are," she said, 
opportunely, to d'Alencon at the siege of Jargeau. D'Alencon 
changed his position, and the gun slew the man who later occupied 
the spot. 

We never hear of Jeanne absorbed and immobile in trance, like / 
Socrates at the siege of Potidaea. T4ie_.j^culiarity of her visions , , 
is that they never interfered with her alert consciousness of her ,, 
surroundings, as far as the evidence goes. She heard them on the 
scaffold where men preached at her, with the cart waiting to carry 
her to the fire ; and she heard them as distinctly as she heard the 
preacher whose insolence she interrupted. 




Had there been no cruel wars in France, Jeanne would probably 
have lived and died as obscurely as her little friend Hauviette. 
Her mission was, by conciliation if possible, if not, by the sword, 
to free France from the English invaders ; to restore the rightful 
king ; and to make him reign well and in Christian fashion. Had 
there been no pressure of national danger and of enslavement, it 
does not seem probable that she, like her elder contemporary St. 
Colette the daughter of a carpenter, would have embraced the 
religious life, and have reformed some convents and founded 
others. Jeanne was a child of the free air, not of the cloister. 
She made no vow of perpetual maidenhood ; she would remain, as 
we saw, a maiden " while it was the will of God " ; that is, probably, 
till she had accomplished her task. She had no ambition to be a 
Saint ; to deliver France and restore the rightful king was her one 
ambition, save that she dreamed, when France was free, of some 
great deed of Christian chivalry, with England and France allied. 
•»—The distress of France was her ruling and inspiring motive. 
Many regions were depopulated ; in many the wild wood had over- 
run the cultivated soil ; in others agriculture could only be 
practised near castles and walled towns. Under the sound of the 
warning horn or church bell, the cattle would run of themselves 
to places of refuge. Whether the vicinity of Domremy was thus 
harried and devastated or not, is matter of dispute. In the battle 
of Verneuil, of August 17, 1424, France was beaten to her knees. 
If we are to look for anyone national sorrow or disaster which 

especially stimulated the Maid, Verneuil, in the apparent year 



and summer of her earliest visions (1424), naturally attracts 
the eyes. But neither from Jeanne nor from any one of her 
contemporaries in Domremy do we gather that she thought more 
seriously than other children about the condition of her country, 
till the light came and the Voice spoke to her of " the great pity 
that was in France." She may have wept in secret, she does not 
say so ; and none of those who speak of her devotions add that she 
was melancholy through patriotic regret. 

Historians, especially the late erudite and sympathetic M. 
Simeon Luce, have recovered from old documents many particulars 
of the tribulations of Domremy between 1419 and 1428. The 
sight of these sorrows is supposed to have roused Jeanne to the 
desperate resolution of riding in the van of armies. But she 
certainly was no Maid of Saragossa, no rival of that " brave, bonny 
lass, Mary Ambree," when the waves of war reached her own village. 
She did not take jack (jaseran) and steel cap and sword, like the 
legendary " fair maiden Liliard " who " fought upon her stumps " 

"the bold Buccleugh 'gainst stout Lord Evers stood," 

at the battle of Ancrum Moor. It was not at home that she found 
" great pity," but " in France " ; wherefore to France she would go. 
She was not a virago. Her first wish was to prevail on the English 
to go home peacefully as the allies, no longer the scourges, of 
France. She was religious first; she would have her Dauphin" 
consecrated, would have him reign as " God's vassal," as His 
lieutenant over a peaceful and devout realm. St. Colette reformed 
convents; Jeanne would bring a kingdom back to freedom and 
duty and religion. She had th at faith which moves mountains ; 
it was by faith that she wrought military miracles for the conversion 
of the English. The sight of the sufferings of her village could 
not, alone, suggest these ideas, and did not suggest them to any 
other child in Domremy and Greux. Childhood is careless and 
elastic, though patriotic ; and the troubles which Jeanne actually 
witnessed at home were less than those to which the boys and girls 
of the Border, English and Scottish, were hardened by familiarity. 


On many nights in the year the prickers of Bewcastle and Tyne 
were riding through the steadings of Liddesdale, burning, driving 
cattle, plundering, slaying any Armstrong, Elliot, or Scott, who 
drew sword. On as many nights the Elliots, Armstrongs, and 
Scotts were leaving empty byres, weeping widows, and fatherless 
children in peel towers of Tynedale. Cattle were taken, Scottish 
lairds and tenants were slain, houses were burned ; and the stolen 
cattle, or other cattle, were recovered ; English gentlemen and 
farmers had their throats cut and their dwellings fired. 

On other days the combatants met at races and football matches 
and marriages. Musgraves of England wedded Armstrongs of 
Scotland ; Gordons of Lochinvar took as brides Grahams of 
Netherby. We read accurately kept balance-sheets of slayings 
and revenges, of robberies and recoveries, in the " Border Papers " 
of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. All these things were in the 
day's work ; nobody made great moan ; no little girl of the Border 
took it upon herself to save her country. 

To modern historians and literary men such sufferings and 
such anxiety, such patrollings, and watchings from the tower-top, 
and lighting of beacon fires, and ringing of the church bells back- 
ward, seem terrible enough to create and inspire a Pucelle ! 
Hundreds of years of these agitating experiences produced no 
Pucelle on the Border, and only one on the Meuse. 

" Stout hearts of men ! " Light hearts of children ! People 
grew stoical, and took what pleasures came in their way. Never 
were games and athletic sports pursued more eagerly, says M. 
Simeon Luce, than during the Hundred Years' War. Hockey and 
football were the favourite rural pastimes. Domremy was a 
healthy, happy place, a village proverbially remarkable for the 
longevity of its inhabitants, and justly remarkable, as we see when 
we look at the ages of the contemporaries of Jeanne, the witnesses 
in the Trial of Rehabilitation (1450-1456). The ages of witnesses 
are 70, 35, 80, 70, 56, 54, 60, 56, 70, 60, 90, 60, 40, 45, 45, 60, 44, 
50, 46, 66, 50, 57, 44, 5o, 60, 54, 64, 60, 60, 64, 38, 47. 

The mother of the Maid, in 1456, was, allowing that she married 


at seventeen, sixty-four years of age. These poor labouring folk 
lived a wholesome life in Domremy, were mainly engaged in tillage 
and in growing pigs for distant markets, and did not shorten their 
days by lamenting their perils and sorrows. Yet perils enough 
they had passed through, living, as they did, surrounded by fighting 
and plundering lords, Dukes of Loraine and Bar, the Comte de 
Vaudemont, the Damoiseau de Commercy, who fought now for 
Burgundy, now for France, now for his own hand. In 1419 this 
chief was engaged in a private war with neighbours, and, far from 
being heartbroken, Jeanne, as she says, " helped well in driving the 
beasts from and to the island castle, named the Island, for fear of 
the men-at-arms." But, on reflection, she must have done this 
after 1419, when she was rather young for a shepherdess, and the 
castle had not yet been rented by her father and others. 

In 1419 the Damoiseau de Commercy fought his private foes 
at Maxey, the village on the right bank of the Meuse, opposite 
Domremy. He took and held to ransom a few prisoners, among 
them the husband of one of the godmothers of the Maid. He was 
an fcuyer^ an Esquire : the event was fortune of war. 

This was no affair of an assault on poor labourers. The men 
were noble ; and in the treaty for their ransom, they swear to keep 
it sur Vhonneur de nos noblesses, " on our honour as men of noble 

In 1419-1420 bands of English and Burgundians prowled and 
plundered, and Jacques d'Arc with five or six of his neighbours 
hired the castle of the Isle as a place of safety for their cattle. 
Thither the pigs, sheep, and kine were driven at every rumour of 
the approach of raiders ; but we do not learn that the castle, with 
its fortified walls and moat, was ever actually assailed. 

In 1423 the Duke of Loraine was at strife with the famous 
La Hire, later Jeanne's companion-in-arms. In this affair one 
Turlaut, who had married a cousin of the Maid, was killed by a 
ball or stone from a gun, at the siege of Sermaize, a long way from 
Domremy. At the age of eleven a child is not too much impressed 
by the death of a distant connection in war. 


On October 7, 1423, the people of the linked villages of Domremy 
and Greux formally acknowledged, through their representatives, 
a yearly debt for protection money to the Damoiseau de Com- 
mercy. The sum to be paid was two gros for each hearth or 
household ; in the case of widows, one gros. Now a gros was 
merely a fraction of a livre; twenty- five gros (as a rule) went to 
one gold crown, or e'en dor. 

In the long legal contract between the peasants and the 
Damoiseau, Jacques d'Arc appears as doyen of his village. The 
gardes or protection money answered to the blackmail which 
Highland chiefs levied on their Lowland neighbours in return 
for protecting their cattle and recovering their cows when stolen. 
But in Scotland the contract was illegal ; in France it was guarded 
by all the solemnity and technical jargon of the law. Manifestly 
if the peasants received the protection for which they paid, the 
sum of two gros yearly for each household was a rather low police 
rate. The population of Domremy is roughly reckoned at thirty 
hearths or households, and Greux was of much the same size. 
Thus for sixty householders (leaving widows out of account) the 
Damoiseau would draw 120 gros annually. But a great modern 
authority reckons the impost at not less than 220 gold crowns 
{e'cus dor) payable at Martinmas. Even if we estimate the 
households of Domremy and Greux at eighty instead of sixty, 
it is impossible to see how a yearly impost of 160 gros could 
amount to 220 gold crowns, for the gros was a fraction of the livre, 
and there went from two and a half to three and a half livres to 
the gold crown. In a note to this passage an attempt is made to 
clear up the facts, and show that the blackmail has been vastly 

One may be permitted to hint that the appalling horrors of life 
in Domremy, during the childhood of the Maid, have, as they are 
stated, an air of mythological exaggeration. 

" At Domremy all lived in perpetual alarms. There was 
always a sentinel on the church tower. Each inhabitant, by 
custom the cure' himself, went on guard in turn ; gazing through 


the dust, in the sun, along the pale ribbon of the roads, to spy out 
the glitter of lances ; searching the terrific deeps of the woods ; 
and, at night, watching with horror the horizon lit with the flames 
of burning villages. At the approach of men-at-arms the watcher 
set ringing these bells which now pealed for births, now bewailed 
the dead, now called the people to prayer, now laid a spell on the 
lightning, now announced dangers. The awakened villagers 
leaped half-naked to the stalls, and drove the herds towards the 
fortress enislanded by two branches of the Meuse." 

The authorities cited for this brilliant description of affairs in 
Domremy are, first, Jeanne's often quoted remark about driving 
the cattle, in case of alarm, to the isle ; and, next, the text of a 
will written in 1393, and containing a reference to the testator's 
"chapel on the isle." That is all, though there is evidence 
abundant for burnings and plunderings in adjacent regions. 
Father Ayroles quotes a sweeping statement of M. Luce : " In 
most of the villages of the Bassigny work was interrupted, and 
almost all the mills were destroyed." This remark is based, 
says the learned father, on a record concerning two mills 
in one parish. I can find none of the afflicted villages in 
Chanoine Dunand's map of the Meuse valley from Neufchateau 
to Vaucouleurs. 

Perhaps we need not accept the picturesque account of per- 
petual alarm, and half- naked peasants at Domremy as con- 
vincingly vouched for by the records of the sufferings of other 
villages, and the statement of Jeanne about the island. In fact, 
we know but two cases in which there is evidence of grave trouble 
at Domremy during the residence there of the Maid. 

In 1425, Henri d'Orly drove a creagh of the cattle of Domremy 
and Greux, drove it many miles, to his castle of Doulevant and 
to Dommartin le Franc. The lady of Ogiviller " brought the cry '' 
to the Comte de Vaudemont, at Joinville, who sent Barthelemy de 
Clefmont, with some seven or eight riders, on the " hot trod," just 
as Buccleugh and Watty Grieve send men to follow Jamie Telfer's 
kye, in the ballad. They recovered the kine, fought a skirmish 


like that in which the Captain of Bevvcastle was taken by the 
Armstrongs, and the kye were restored to the restful meadows of 
Greux and Domremy. 

One sees no reason why such an event should cause a child on 
the marches of Loraine, any more than a child in the Debatable 
Land, to become a warrior maid, a prophetess, and a virgin martyr. 
Genius would have been common in Liddesdale, if a reiving en- 
vironment were the necessary condition for its development. " The 
wind bloweth where it listeth, and thou hearest the sound thereof, 
but knowest not whence it cometh or whither it goeth." He who 
will may satisfy his curiosity by explaining that the Voices of 
Jeanne came to her first in 1425 (not 1424), and were the sub- 
jective results of the raiding and recovery of some cows. The 
Voices did not speak to the child about local troubles, but bade 
her leave her home and " go into France." 

It was M. Simeon Luce, after Ouicherat the most sympathetic 
and erudite student of the history of the Maid, who discovered 
the record of the creagh of cattle driven from Domremy, and of 
the successful pursuit on the "hot trod" in the summer of 1425. 
Delighted with his trouvaille, he supposed that the recovery of 
the cows, with the repulse of the English at Mont-St.-Michel, in 
the end of June 1425, and the invasion of the Barrois by the 
English, are events which " explain, at least in some measure, 
the first appearance of the Archangel to little Jeanne." He then 
" combines his information." If Boulainvilliers is right in his 
story that Jeanne first heard the Voice and saw the light after 
being " rapt and as it were out of her senses " by the exertion 
of a foot race, then the race, M. Luce argues, was one of the 
rejoicings after the regaining of the kye. But, after the excitement 
of winning the prize of the race, the bouquet of flowers, Jeanne, 
in a moment of pious reaction, " would almost reproach herself 
as she remembered that all the evils which her native village 
had escaped by a remarkable favour of Providence " (and of eight 
riders) "continued to ravage the rest of the realm. . . . This is, 
at least by our hypothesis, the chain of circumstances by which 


Jeanne was led to think herself called by Heaven to be an 
instrument in the salvation of her country." 

" It is to consider too curiously to consider thus." The first 
Voices may be even more probably dated in the summer of 1424, 
perhaps after the disaster of Verneuil on August 17. In fact, 
we do not know anything at all about the conditions which 
determine the advent of Voices, lights, and angels. 

Had^Jganne^ at the age, ._of twelve or thirteen, been constant 
and fervent in prayer, and given to prolonged fasts in Lent, and 
had the first Voice and vision come in Lent instead of in the 
heighf of summer, her religious exercises might have predisposed 
her, and her macerated body might have prepared her for 
hallucinations. But we have no evidence that she was so 
precociously ascetic, or so precociously devout. It was after 
the visions appeared that she grew serious, pensive, and prayerful : 
she says so herself. 

We must not be thought to speak too lightly of the state of 
Domrem3^7^ax~ey,~inTd~ Greux. To do so is not our purpose. 
We endeavour to attain to the contemporary point of view; to 
show how rural people, in the Middle Ages and later, comported 
themselves in times of great anxiety and of occasional peril. 
They beheld their own condition with other eyes and faced 
them with stouter hearts than ours, as we look back on the 
picture of raids and burnings which research reveals. 

In considering the surroundings of Jeanne in youth, we must 
not persuade ourselves that her environment accounts for her. 

The most ardent and learned explorer of the surroundings of 
Jeanne in early youth, M. Simeon Luce, writes, "To show that 
the Maid found in her environment some of the elements of 
her inspiration is not, if properly understood, to diminish her 
merit and Tier greatness." - — "" 

Her greatness was in her own spirit, and in "something yet 
more widely interfused/' 

It is very probable that, as the years passed by, a deeper and 
more solemn element entered into the religion of the Maid. Her 


chief and central devotion came to be given, not to her Saints, 
but to her Master (Messzre), to Our Lord and to the name of Jesus. 
Her letters, during her mission, were usually headed jESUSl^ARIA. 
The ring of laiton, or electrum, a heavily alloyed gold, which her 
father and mother gave her, bore the names Jesus Maria. 
Though so much was said about this ring, at which she loved to 
gaze, her possession of it may have implied no special devotion 
to the divine Name. Such rings, peculiar in style, — no seal, but 
a broad central ridge, and two sloping sides engraved with the 
Holy Names (or with figures of Saints, the Virgin, and the priest 
with the chalice), — were common in the early fifteenth century, 
and were supposed to be sovran against epilepsy. The ring, 
so much suspected by Jeanne's judges, was a common sort of 
trifle; but her special devotion to our Lord was later displayed 
on her standard, and the last word of her dying lips was JESUS. 
It has been shown, with much learning, that a special devotion 
to our Lord was inculcated by the begging and preaching friars 
of the Order of St. Francis (who, as a rule, were in the French 
interest), and, in 1427-1429, by Bernardino of Siena; while a 
certain Brother Richard, a foolish enthusiast, is said, probably 
incorrectly, to have preached " Christ and Country," and he did 
prophesy the advent of Antichrist, in Champagne, at the end 
of 1428. The Maid never saw him till she was in the full tide 
of her successes, and she found out his frothy folly : he was the 
Dr. Cumming of the period. 

It may be more important that St. Colette used the name 
JESUS as the blazon of her reform and the superscription of her 
letters ; and her influence was potent among the s devout. The 
devotion to Jesus, again, may have been suggested to Jeanne by 
the sermons of Franciscan preachers, though all that we really 
know about her early relations with them is that at Neufchateau 
she confessed herself, twice or thrice, to mendicant friars. It was 
to her curt that she usually confessed ; when he could not receive 
her, she got from him a licence to approach another priest. 
However it came about, whether in accordance with the example 


of St. Colette, then at the height of her fame, or through the 
influence of sermons by wandering Cordeliers, or through her own 
musings, the devotion to Our Lord, Messire, was the deep founda- 
tion of the Maid's belief before she undertook her great adventure ; 
and in this faith she chose to live and die. Of her Master she 
never beheld any vision, despite a baseless contemporary rumour. 
The Saints were "her brothers of Paradise' 7 ; her Master was 
Christ; whom she sought not, like St. Colette, through cruel 
macerations of the body, and self-inflicted torture, and in helpless 
ecstasy, but followed over the bridge of war " in armed and iron 


We cannot fix the precise moment when Jeanne yielded to her 
Voices, and determined to go into France. She would rather 
have been torn to pieces by horses (&cartel£e)> she said, than thus 
engage in an adventure so foreign to her normal nature, if she 
had not been sure that the command was of God. But how was 
she to overcome the practical difficulties ; how win access to the 
Dauphin in one of his chdteaux by the Loire ? The distance was 
great, — four hundred and fifty miles, — much of the intervening 
country was Anglo-Burgundian in allegiance, and all the roads 
were infested by robber bands. 

The captain of the nearest walled town held for the Dauphin, 
Robert de Baudricourt, commanding in Vaucouleurs, some twelve 
miles distant from Domremy, was obviously the best person to 
whom she could apply for aid and escort. She must have heard 
of Robert all her life, and especially in the spring of 1427, when 
her father, as representing the interests of the villagers of 
Domremy, had personal dealings with that captain. There was one 
Guiot Poignant who had been caution for the payment of the 220 
e'cus dor due to Robert de Saarbruck, Damoiseau de Commercy. 
The damoiseau had impounded, for arrears of this money, the 
goods and cattle of Poignant, and Poignant demanded compensa- 
tion from the squire or seigneur of the villages, and from the 
villagers themselves. The case was left to arbitration, under the 
supervision of Robert de Baudricourt. 

From her father's conversation Jeanne must have known the 

kind of person whom she had to deal with in Baudricourt. He 



was a blunt practical man of the sword, who had married two 
rich widows in succession, and who had been fighting, since he 
could bear arms, in the reckless wars of the marches of Loraine. 
He had some sense of humour, and there was no nonsense, there 
were no fine enthusiasms in his nature. His confession, if ever 
he cleared his conscience in the confessional, might have been 
like that attributed to Etienne de Vignolles, called La Hire. 
" I do the things that other men-at-arms do. Oh God, do Thou 
unto me in this day of battle as I would do to Thee, if Thou 
wert La Hire and I were God." The more Jeanne knew of de 
Baudricourt, the more keenly she must have felt that he was not 
a likely man to welcome a girl of sixteen, who said " the world 
is out of joint, and I was born to set it right." As it chanced, 
she used the very words of Hamlet : " dixit quod erat nata ad hoc 

It was while troops were being recruited in England for a 
new attack in force on the Dauphin's territories south of the 
Loire, it was in May 1428, that Jeanne first approached the 
redoubtable Baudricourt. He must have known that England 
was determined to make a fresh effort ; he probably knew that 
the little wedge of territory, and the little walled town where he 
had alone upheld so long the Standard of the Lilies, were to be 
the object of a special assault. By way of a remedy for all these 
misfortunes, a peasant girl of sixteen, accompanied by a local 
clodhopper, came and informed Baudricourt that she had a divine 
mission to save France. We may imagine that the oaken rafters 
of the hall rang with his laughter. 

It had not been easy for Jeanne to make her way to Baudri- 
court. Her mother had several times spoken to her about the 
horror with which her father reflected on his dream of her 
departure from home in military company. Jeanne was obliged 
to conceal her purpose. She had a kinsman by affinity, one 
Durand Laxart, or Lassois, living at Little Burey, a village 
within a league of Vaucouleurs. Lassois had married the 
daughter of a sister of Jeanne's mother : he was thus her " cousin 


by marriage " ; but, as he was greatly her senior, she called him 
" uncle." His wife, her cousin, was then (or perhaps more prob- 
ably in January 1429), about to have a child, and Jeanne suggested 
that Lassois should ask her to attend his wife in her trouble. The 
Maid, as Beaupere, the most modern-minded man among her 
judges, declared, " had a good deal of feminine subtlety." Lassois 
assented, and brought her from Domremy to his own house at 
Little Burey. In his evidence, Lassois does not distinguish 
clearly between her two visits of appeal to Baudricourt, the first 
in May 1428, the last in January-February 1429. On one or the 
other occasion she asked Lassois, " Don't you know the saying that 
France is to be made desolate by a woman ? " (meaning the mother 
of Charles VII) " and afterwards restored by a Maid ? " At the 
same time she spoke of her desire to go into France and lead the 
Dauphin to Reims to be crowned. If she did not also speak of 
raising the siege of Orleans, this conversation must have been 
held in May 1428, before Orleans was menaced, for, when Orleans 
was besieged, she proclaimed its relief as part of her task. 

The prophecy — about the ruin and restoration of France by a 
woman and a maid — is that of Marie d'Avignon, early in the 
century, and has been explained in a previous chapter. The 
predictions of Marie d'Avignon were widely known, fir ent grand 
bruit, says Quicherat. The prediction would be alluded to in 
sermons, and win its way into current talk. 

The prophecy, or saying, probably had its effect on Lassois. 
He took Jeanne to his house, where she was seen by a young 
gentleman named Geoffroy du Fay, who already knew her 
parents, and heard her say that she wished to go into France. 
Whether this was in 1428 or 1429 is not certain, but a remark of 
Geoffroy reads as if he met the Maid only on her first visit to 
Vaucouleurs. If that was so, by May 1428 it was generally known 
that she had a mission to go to the Dauphin. 

Lassois and Jeanne visited Baudricourt ; and as Jeanne had no 
trace of rustic shyness, but spoke to all men with frankness and 
with noble courtesy, she probably asked him to send her to the 


Dauphin at once. This is not, however, to be gathered from the 
interesting evidence of Bertrand de Poulengy, an esquire then 
aged about thirty-five, who had known Domremy, had several 
times visited Jeanne's parents in their house, and had sat beneath 
its famous tree, when Jeanne was a child of four years of age. In 
the week of the Ascension of Our Lord (May 1428), Poulengy was 
with Baudricourt when Jeanne came to him, sent by her Lord, she 
said. She asked Baudricourt to despatch a message to the Dauphin 
in these words, " Let him guard himself well, and not offer battle 
to his foes, for the Lord will give him succour by mid Lent," that 
is, in March 1429. She said that by God's will she herself would 
lead the Dauphin to be crowned. Of Orleans she said nothing. 
Nothing here indicates that Jeanne asked to be sent to the 
Dauphin at once. Perhaps Baudricourt's rebuff consisted merely 
in a laughing refusal to send any message from a peasant maid. 
The advice to the Dauphin, not to challenge the English to battle, 
seems superfluous ; at that time he thought of nothing less. Why 
Jeanne fixed on next March as the date of succour cannot be known. 

Jeanne added that the kingdom belonged to God, not to the 
Dauphin, but that God desired the Dauphin to hold the realm 
under himself {en commande, in commendam). These current ideas 
of kings as vassals of the King of Heaven, the Maid must have 
heard of in sermons. It is certain that, in Scotland, many sermons 
were preached on this topic. The opinion was so common that it 
is superfluous to invent a secret clerical initiator, the real source 
of her mission. The very coinage of the period proclaimed that 
" Christ is King, Christ is Emperor " ; Christus regnat^ Christus 
imperat. The coins, with these inscriptions, are reproduced in 
the illustrated life of the Maid, by M. Wallon. 

We are told that Jeanne was in spiritual relations with several 
priests, of whom two are named. One of them was eight years old 
when Jeanne left Domremy, yet we are told that he heard her in 
confession ! The other had heard her thrice in one Lent, once 
on another occasion. After delivering herself of her message, the 
Maid, according to Poulengy, went home, attended by Lassois. 


The author or authors of two Chronicles, written about forty- 
years after the event, says that Baudricourt thought of keeping 
Jeanne as a leaguer-lass, a loose girl for the recreation of his men- 
at-arms. These authors also aver that, in the following year, 
Jeanne won Baudricourt's confidence by an extraordinary example 
of clairvoyance, or vue h distance^ which Baudricourt reported by 
letter to the Dauphin. There is no other authority for either 
story ; we are expected to believe the former, and to reject the 
latter anecdote. Lassois says that Baudricourt more than once 
advised him to box Jeanne's ears and take her home to her father ; 
but it is uncertain whether this counsel was given during her first 
or her second visit to Vaucouleurs. Jeanne was not discouraged. 
One of her biographers tells us that " she was not humiliated or 
discouraged by the contempt of the captain and the outrages of the 
garrison, imagining that her Voices had foretold them." Her 
Voices had said nothing about " outrages of the garrison," there is 
no mention of such outrages. 

A month later, on the eve of St. John, she spoke thus to 
Michael Lebuin, a boy of her own age : " There is a girl between 
Coussey and Vaucouleurs who, within the year, will have the King 
crowned at Reims." She did so about three weeks later than she 
predicted. She spoke freely of her mission. Before she left home, 
in 1429, another boy of her age, Jean Waterin, u several times heard 
her say that she would restore France and the Royal line." Certainly 
the neighbours were aware of her purpose ; for, as we have already 
seen, her brother told her that the story went about of her having 
had the notion put into her head at the Fairy tree, which she denied. 
It is curious that her father did not send her away to his kinsfolk 
at Sermaize, many leagues distant, unless he reckoned that she 
might there find opportunity of an escort on her way to the 

About July 17 or 18, 1428, the Governor of Champagne, 
Antoine de Vergy, marched a smaller force than he had expected 
to raise, for the purpose of reducing the region of Vaucouleurs to 
the English allegiance. The people of Domremy, with their 


cattle, retired a distance of six miles to Neufchateau, in Loraine. 
The family of Jeanne lodged there with a woman called La Rousse, 
who kept an inn ; there they dwelt for a fortnight, Jeanne said ; 
later witnesses said for four or five days. Her accusers averred 
that Jeanne went thither alone, without her parents' permission, 
and lived an irregular life, associating with loose women, acting 
as maidservant, and learning to ride. All this was false, and was 
amply refuted by witnesses of Domremy, who had been at Neuf- 
chateau in July 1428. 

At her trial, in 143 1, Jeanne was asked why she summoned a 
young man before the official at Toul in a case of breach of pro- 
mise of marriage? She answered: "He summoned me, I did not 
summon him ; and there, before the judge, I swore to tell the 
truth, and, enfin, I had never promised to marry him." 

Her accusers declared that Jeanne cited the young man for 
breach of promise of marriage, and that he refused to wed her 
because of her association with loose women at Neufchateau. 
That Jeanne should have promised to marry a young man, after 
vowing to remain a maiden while it was God's will, and at a 
moment when she was yearning to go forth on her mission, is 
impossible. That she sued a reluctant swain before an ecclesiasti- 
cal court is an absurd accusation. But as she certainly was obliged 
to go once to Toul, thirty miles from Neufchateau, on this business 
(and " several times " in a fortnight, if we believe her accusers), she 
must have disliked Neufchateau, and been glad, as she said, to 
return to Domremy. The story, told by most writers, that she 
confessed to having disobeyed her parents in the matter of the 
marriage, is a mere blunder. She said nothing of this kind. 

At some time or other Jeanne frequented the church of Greux, 
because the village of Domremy was burned. If de Vergy's men 
burned the village, why did they not also burn Greux? If they 
did burn Domremy, the first weeks after Jeanne's return must 
have seen her father and brothers busy with a task very familiar 
to the contemporary peasants of Scotland, the rebuilding of their 
cottages. Happily this labour was favoured by the summer 


weather, when the air out of doors, at night, was cool and still. 
Nothing is known of what passed at Domremy, while new roofs 
were thatched (if the old had been destroyed), and the furniture — 
probably carried off to Neufchateau in waggons at the time of the 
flight — was replaced. 

One thing only is certain, by the end of October the Maid must 
have heard that Orleans was beleaguered by the English, and that 
they had seized and garrisoned the outposts of the city, the smaller 
towns on the Loire above and below it. They held and garrisoned 
Meun and Beaugency, between Orleans and Blois, on one side, and 
Jargeau, between Orleans and Gien, on the other. If Orleans fell, 
the English had broken through the centre, as it were, of the 
defence of the Dauphin, and from this base they might expect to 
take, one by one, his pleasant cities of Blois, Tours, and Chinon, 
and all that he had. 



Here we leave Jeanne for a moment : little is known of her life 
from July 1428 to January 1429. We turn to the siege of 
Orleans, the Moscow campaign of the English in France. They 
did not see the signs of the times. In France, as a military 
novelist of about 1460 says (Bueil, in Le Jouvencel), a new 
generation was coming into action, and new allies from Scotland 
were in the field. 

The Constable, with Sir John Stewart of Darnley, and John 
Wishart, repulsed the English under Mont St. Michel. Stewart, 
taking a lesson from the English, dismounted all his men, and 
had a success. It is to be observed that, in the deadly feud 
between the Constable and La Tr^moille, the Scots took sides 
against the obese Royal favourite. 

In September 1427, La Hire and Dunois defeated the English 
and raised the siege of Montargis, — a gleam of light on a dark 

The English attempt on Orleans, the effort to break the 
line of the Loire and drive the Dauphin to Spain or Scotland, 
was, indeed, an insensate scheme, devised in mad self-confidence, 
and the English were equipped with forces and munitions wholly 
inadequate. " God knoweth by what advis the siege of the city 
of Orleans was taken in hand," wrote, in 1433, the Duke of 
Bedford, Regent for the infant Henry VI, to the English Govern- 
ment. If Bedford did not know to whom fell the responsibility 
for this wild enterprise, we cannot hope to discover the truth. 

Here it may not be out of place to describe, from unpublished 


documents, the nature of the English preparations for the 
complete subjugation of France. The artillery and siege material 
were collected by the vicars of Enfield and Cheshunt, and by 
John Parker, Master of the Ordnance for the Earl of Salisbury. 
Parker drew £666, 13s. 4d. for ordnance, and £66, Js. gd. for 
master manners and others to carry it across the Channel. 
He purchased fourteen small brass guns called fowlers ; each 
was one foot and a half in length ; each had three chambers, 
and could throw stones of two pounds in weight. There were 
three other brass guns with one chamber, and twenty-nine other 
cannon. Sixteen small "hand-cannons" were supplied, bound 
with iron rings, with twelve hundred leaden bullets. This kind 
of hand-cannon, a most monstrous musket, with a rest, was used 
effectually on the French side, as we shall see, by Master John 
the Lorainer. 

For guns of position, three great iron pieces were furnished, 
capable of throwing 18-inch stones; two other pieces were of 
16-inch calibre. Three more of 18 to 14-inch calibre were 
bought from another factory. Stones from 24 to 14 inches 
were purchased, 1214 in all, with 200 stones for the "fowlers." 
About 320 "pavoises" or strong wide shields used in assaulting 
fortified positions were provided, and 123 chests of bows and 
arrows. Four pairs of bellows were commissioned, to be used, if 
necessary, in casting new guns beyond the sea. From French 
military science was borrowed the idea of employing quantities of 
lead to make " samons '' for strengthening the feet of the cannon, 
(ad usum Francice). A great wooden instrument, le vice, was 
manufactured, to be used in loading and unloading the guns. 

Preparations so immense, and outlay so lavish, were calculated 
to strike terror into the boldest hearts in France. England was 
going to work regardless of expense, and employed the latest 
appliances of military science. 

As for the host thus equipped, it was levied, by contract, by 
Salisbury himself, on the shortest service principle. The men 
were engaged for a period of six months : the officers were 6 


knights bannerets, 34 knights bachelors, 559 esquires, and with 
1800 bowmen, including 30 details, there were 2509 men in all. 
Two hundred and forty combatants, however, did not keep tryst 
at the port of Sandwich on June 30, 1428, and Salisbury enlisted 
450 more archers. A hundred and nineteen men-at-arms, devoid 
of ambition, had preferred to stay at home in England. 

Bedford added, at Paris, 400 lances and 1200 archers, so that, 
exclusive of pages, Salisbury was at the head of nearly 5000 
men. Reinforcements were drawn from garrisons, to the extent 
of 8 men from Rouen, and so on. By the end of March 1429 
the feudal levies of Normandy were called out for the siege 
of Orleans, and were largely used in guarding convoys. The 
number of Burgundians employed in the siege is unknown, but 
they were withdrawn before Jeanne set out to relieve Orleans. 

The whole English equipment was much below what Bueil, 
many years after the events, thought necessary. Writing after 
his years of war are over, probably about 1460, Bueil remarks 
that new military inventions are constantly being made : 
among these, probably, are the light leather boats, capable of 
being transported by horses, which were used for crossing the 
water moats of towns. His idea of the artillery needed in the 
siege of a large strong town like Orleans is a park of 250 pieces, 
of various calibre ; and his notions of the adequate gunpowder for 
each gun would have startled the English of 1429. 

Bueil, moreover, in thirty years of experience, had learned to 
distrust bastilles^ or palisaded earth-works, such as were used by 
the English and Burgundians in the sieges of Orleans, Compiegne, 
Dieppe, and Mont St. Michel. These extemporised forts, built at 
intervals all around the threatened town, are represented, in the 
illustrated manuscripts of the period, as mere circles of park 
palings, not of the height of a man. They were, in fact, much 
stronger ; the palisades crowned high earth-works, and tall scal- 
ing ladders were needed by assailants, while the artillery of the 
period did not easily breach them. 

The English before the end of the siege had ensconced their 


men in twelve or thirteen of these bastilles. But, as Bueil argues, 
they were so remote each from each, that the garrison of one fort 
could not rescue the men in its neighbour, if attacked, and they did 
not supply accommodation for horses. " I have always heard 
that no good comes of bastilles, and, in the late wars, I saw them 
ruined at Orleans, Compiegne, Dieppe, and St. Michel." Really 
the bastilles were not to blame, but there were not enough of 
them, because the investing armies were numerically inadequate. 

Bueil's criticisms came too late ; nor is it easy to see how the 
English could, with their limited forces, have done better than they 
did. They had not soldiers enough to man twice the number of 
bastilles, but, till the Maid arrived, the French never assaulted one 
of their thirteen forts. 

From Salisbury's original force of about 5000 men, with which 
he took forty towns and castles in September 1428, must be 
deducted the garrisons which he left in these places of strength. 
This deduction makes it plain that he had not men enough either 
to invest Orleans, a town with a coronal of towers, a river frontage, 
and walls of great height and thickness ; or to take by storm a 
city well found in guns of various calibre, and garrisoned by 
people of laudable courage and patriotism, and by the companies 
of all the great French leaders. Other cities, the Estates, and the 
Dauphin, contributed money and provisions ; the town was well 
victualled, well provided with guns, powder, arrows, pavois or 
shield-screens, and all the munitions of war. The citizens 
destroyed the houses and the beautiful churches of their suburbs, 
on the opposite side of the river, and welcomed adventurous 
captains, men like Dunois, La Hire, Poton de Saintrailles. 
Unluckily for France the massive churches were only wrecked, 
not levelled ; and several of the investing forts of the English were 
palisaded earth-works, or bastilles, surrounding and resting on the 
half-ruined walls of the churches and the strong church towers. 

On October 1 2 the siege began ; firing from the opposite bank 
of the Loire, the English guns of position threw heavy stone balls 
into the town, and killed — one woman. They destroyed the water 


mills, but the townsfolk established mills worked by horse power. 
The bridge-head, on the English side of the stream, was protected 
by two strong towers, " the Tourelles," with an outer boulevard. 
From its boulevard, or outwork, the English were repulsed, with 
loss of 240 men in killed alone. The English then mined, or were 
believed to have mined, the outwork, and the French deserted 
the Tourelles on October 23, breaking down an arch of the 
bridge, and erecting a barricade on the arch of the Belle Croix 
(later enriched by the ladies of Orleans with statues of Charles 
VII and the Maid, kneeling in prayer on either side of the Fair 

On October 24, Salisbury was mortally wounded by a cannon- 
ball as he reconnoitred the town from a window of the Tourelles. 
This discouraged the English as much as the arrival of Etienne 
de Vignoles (the famous La Hire), of the brave Dunois, then 
styled Bastard of Orleans, and of their bands, with archers, cross- 
bowmen, and professional infantry from Italy, encouraged the 
townsfolk. On November 8 the English army broke up, retiring 
to more hospitable quarters in the adjacent towns of Meun and 
Jargeau ; while William Glasdale, a north countryman and a soldier 
of high repute, held, under Lords de Moleyns and Poynings, with 
five hundred men, the Tourelles and their outwork. Glasdale 
could only observe the city, while the French destroyed twelve 
churches and monastic houses in the suburbs, that they might not 
afford shelter to the main body of the English on their return. 
We hear of no attempt to recapture the bridge-head, with its 
fortifications ; the French were not yet led by Jeanne d Arc, and, 
though greatly superior in numbers, had no heart for the assault. 

On December 1 the great Talbot arrived to reinforce the 
English in the Tourelles with men, food, guns, and ammunition. 
He kept up a well-nourished fire of ponderous missiles, which 
injured many buildings, but caused almost no loss of life. The 
garrison replied with a huge new piece of ordnance; but by 
Christmas Day, when there was a truce, and Orleans lent musicians 
to the enemy, neither side had done anything new of the slightest 


note. A famous gunner named Jean u sniped " a few English day 
by day : on December 29 the Orleanais levelled eight or nine 
more churches ; the Earl of Suffolk and Talbot arrived on the 
Orleans side of the water with 2500 men, and established a huge 
fortified camp, or bastille and boulevard, at St. Laurent des 
Orgerils, outside the west gate, Porte Regnart, of the city. This 
camp was intended to close the Porte Regnart and the road 
down the river towards Blois, so as to stop any French relieving 
force advancing from that centre. The English were only opposed 
by skirmishing bands of cavalry under Dunois : there were daily 
skirmishes, but no attempt was made to prevent the English from 
fortifying themselves in their great bastille of St. Laurent and 

So the siege, if it can be called a siege, went on. Day by day 
bands of the French sallied out and teased the English ; day by 
day the English advanced " with marvellous cries " against one of 
the gates of the city. There was no genuine attack, no resolute 
fighting, no night assault ; and each side retired when it came within 
the very limited range of hostile artillery fire, some five hundred 
yards. French troops and supplies entered Orleans at pleasure, 
but the English erected a bastille on the isle Charlemagne, which 
lay in the river between their fort of St. Laurent and their new fort, 
St. Prive, built on the opposite bank of the river to secure the 
ferry from the isle Charlemagne. The garrisons of these works 
could not keep out (January 10, 1429) a great convoy with 
supplies and ammunition sent from Bourges, due south of 

The English, in fact, had on that day appreciable losses in 
slain men and prisoners, while, next day, a cannon-ball from the 
Orleans side destroyed the roof of the English bridge-head fort. 
On January 12 a herd of 600 swine was driven into the city; 
while, on the following day, Sir John Fastolf reinforced the 
besiegers with a company of 1200 men, guns of various 
calibre, powder, victuals, and supplies of arrows. Presently 40 
beeves and 200 swine were thrown into Orleans; but next day 


the English seized the ferry-boat of the Orl^anais which plied 
between the opposite bank, and the church of St. Loup in the 
fields outside of the eastern wall, and also made spoil of 500 
head of cattle intended to supply the town, slew a number of the 
enemy, and captured the famous light field-piece of that master 
gunner, Jean the Lorainer. This piece, which had caused them so 
much loss, the English bore in triumph to the Tourelles ; but Jean 
escaped by swimming. So they continued to skirmish, the towns- 
folk being in good heart, and well fed. There we leave them, on 
January 30, 1429, rejoicing in the arrival of nine pack horses 
laden with oil for their winter salads. 

The fighting was not much more serious than the combats with 
apples and cheeses, in the pleasant land of Torelore, as described 
in the old romance of Aucassin and Nicolete. The French, 
according to the contemporary author of the Journal du Siege, do 
not seem to have lost fifty men ; the English, save at the Tourelles, 
not a hundred. If we may believe the mysterious Scots chronicler, 
the Monk of Dunfermline (who avers that he was with the Maid 
till her end), the English camp was like a great fair, with booths 
for the sale of all sorts of commodities, and had sunk ways, leading 
from one fort to another. 

Certainly the French had plenty of supplies ; but the siege was 
soon to be tightened, and from February 25 till the arrival of 
the Maid at the end of April, but small quantities of provisions 
were introduced. The arrival of a few pigs is duly chronicled ! 



While the besiegers and the defenders of Orleans were merely 
marking time, strange tidings of events that never occurred would 
be buzzed in the ears of the people at Domremy. Pilgrims and 
pig-drivers would be rivals in telling the saddest tale — how the 
Tourelles were taken ; how the city was invested ; how the in- 
habitants were starving. To Jeanne the most cruel circumstance 
was the fact that the English, though they held the Due d'Orleans 
captive, were none the less attacking his town and territory. This 
conduct was regarded as unprecedented treachery, and Jeanne's 
attachment to all the Royal House was very strong in the case 
of le beau Due, the prisoner poet. She had promised, in May 
1428, that her Dauphin should have succour from Heaven by 
March 1429. In October 1428 it was plain that the Dauphin 
had never stood in direr need. In January 1429, Jeanne's chosen 
date was drawing near, and, about January 12 (?), 1429 she 
left Domremy, which she was never to see again, and betook 
herself to the house of her cousins, the Durand Lassois, at 
Little Burey. 

Jeanne, when she set out for Little Burey, had not the heart 
to say farewell to her little friend Hauviette. " Adieu, I go to 
Vaucouleurs ! " she cried as she passed the cottage of her friend, 
Guillemette, in Greux ; " Adieu, Mengette, God bless you," she 
said to another girl of her own age. 

Adieu to Domremy, to the little brook, to the river, and the 

isle ; to the fairy castle of her childhood, with its grey old garden ; 

adieu to the fountain and the Ladies' tree ; farewell to the birds 



in her father's close ; farewell to her dear mother ; to the meadows 
where she had run races for chaplets of flowers. To her that other 
immortal garland was to be run for, the imperishable crown of the 
Maiden Martyr. 

How it came about that Jacques dArc again permitted his 
daughter to go near men of the sword is a mystery. He may have 
been persuaded by the cur/, Fronte, or by others who thought that 
Jeanne might do good by going her own way ; for by this time her 
ambition was the theme of the gossips of Domremy. More 
probably Jacques d'Arc had absolute reliance on the common sense 
of Robert de Baudricourt. " Assuredly," he must have thought, 
" the captain is the last man to let the girl go ! " 

Apparently Baudricourt, for long, was recalcitrant. Certainly 
Jeanne left the house of the Lassois, at Little Burey, and dwelt 
for three weeks with Henri Royer and his wife in Vaucouleurs. 
Both gave evidence to her goodness and love of going to church, 
to her industry and skill with her needle. Yet she would go to 
France on her mission, if she went on her knees, she said. How 
did Jeanne overcome the scepticism of Baudricourt so far that he 
ended by allowing her to have an escort ? To answer this question 
entails what Sir Walter Scott calls " a boring attempt to see 
further into a millstone than the nature of the millstone permits," 
— a process which Sir Walter, as an historian, thought highly 

Arriving at Little Burey in the first fortnight of January 1429, 
Jeanne seems to have stayed there for three weeks (Lassois, in 
1456, said for six weeks), and gone to the house of the Royers in 
Vaucouleurs in the first week of February. Probably she kept 
coming and going from one friendly house to the other. If 
Lassois was right in fixing her stay with him at six weeks, 
then she went to him in December 1428. At the Royers in 
Vaucouleurs, later, she won the heart of her hostess by her gentle 
ways, her skill in sewing, and her earnest faith. Katherine Royer 
was much impressed by a remark of the Maid which has given 
rise to a whole theory of the origin of her mission. " Have you 


not heard of the saying that France is to be ruined by a woman 
and restored by a maiden from the marches of Loraine ? " " Then," 
says Katherine Royer herself, " I remembered having heard this 
saying, and I was astonished." 

The prophecy was a current piece of folklore, familiar to 
Katherine herself; she remembered having heard it, and it is 
absurd to speak of it as a pious fraud of the priests. 

Jeanne was wont to confess to Jean Fournier, cure of the 
church of St. Mary on the hill above the town, and in 1456 an 
eye-witness remembered her assiduity in prayer, sometimes kneel- 
ing with her face bowed, sometimes raised to the statue of the 
Virgin, in the crypt of the church. But her prayers seemed to be 
unheard, she could not move the jovial incredulous Baudricourt. 

Her first gleam of hope appears to have come from a young 
man-at-arms, aged twenty-seven, who had some acquaintance 
with her father and mother. He was named Jean de Metz, or, 
from his estate, Jean de Novelonpont. He was one of those who 
might have said : 

" La guerre est ma patrie, 
M011 hamois ma maison, 
Et en toute saison, 
Combattre cest ma vie " ; 

but his heart was true to France and the rightful king. While the 
Maid dwelt with the Royers in Vaucouleurs, about the first or 
second week of February 1429, Jean met her "in her poor red 
woman's dress," and said to her "Ma mie, what are you doing 
here ? Must the King be walked out of his kingdom, and must 
we all be English ? " She answered, " I am come to a Royal town 
to ask Robert de Baudricourt to lead me to the King. But 
Baudricourt cares nothing for me and for what I say ; none the 
less I must be with the King by mid-Lent, if I wear my legs down 
to the knees. No man in the world — kings, nor dukes, nor the 
daughter of the Scottish king — can recover the kingdom of 
France, nor hath our king any succour save from myself, though 
I would liefer be sewing beside my poor mother. For this deed 


is not convenient to my station. Yet go I must ; and this deed I 
must do, because my Lord so wills it." 

" Who is your Lord ? " 

" My Lord is God," said the Maid. 

He answered, with an emotion that thrills us as we read, 
" Then I, Jean, swear to you, Maid, my hand in your hands, 
that I, God helping me, will lead you to the King, and I ask 
when you will go ? " 

" Better to-day than to-morrow, better to-morrow than later." 

Here we must explain what the Maid meant when she truly 
said, contrary to general expectation, that there " would come no 
aid from the daughter of the King of Scotland." In April 1428 
the Dauphin had sent Alain Chartier, the poet, to renew the 
ancient league with Scotland. That league, said Alain, "is not 
written on parchment or on skin of sheep, but is graven on 
the living flesh of men, traced not in ink but blood." France 
and Scotland, in turns, had saved each the other's independence 
from English conquest. On July 17, 1428, James I sent an 
embassy to the Dauphin, and on the same day a treaty was 
signed at Perth, at the request of John Stewart of Darnley 
(Comte d'Evreux), and of Regnault de Chartres, Archbishop of 
Reims. Two days later, James settled the conditions of the 
marriage of his infant daughter, Margaret, with the son of the 
Dauphin, Louis, himself still a child. James, in 1429, was to send 
his daughter to France with an army of 6000 Scots. The dowry 
of Margaret was to be the comti of Sainton ge ; to which the 
Dauphin agreed in November 1428. On January 3, 1429, the town 
council of Tournai heard from the Dauphin that the Scottish bride 
with an army of 4000 (6000 ?) men would arrive before Whitsunday, 
that is, early in May 1429 ; if that were not enough, King James 
himself would come. (In April 1429, England was equipping a 
fleet to attack the Scottish transports.) 

The facts had reached the people of Vaucouleurs, had come 
to the knowledge of the Maid. But she foresaw the futility of 
the hopes of France, and declared that succour from God would 


reach the Dauphin, not in April or May, but in mid-Lent; not 
from the Princess of Scotland with 6000 men-at-arms and archers, 
but in the person of herself, a peasant girl from Domremy. To 
account for her disdain of the official good news about the 
Scottish army of 6000 men, we must remember the unshaken 
ardour of her belief in her Voices, which said, and truly said, 
that in her only was hope. If she could but reach the Dauphin, 
she believed herself to be certain to receive from her Voices a 
secret, known only to Charles and God, which must infallibly 
secure her acceptance. Her Voices had revealed this before she 
left Domremy, and had said, " Go boldly on, when you are with 
the King he will have a sure sign to persuade him to believe 
and trust you." That sign she received. 

Had Jeanne been a visionary of the common kind, she would 
have felt that her prediction of May 1428, " God will succour 
the Dauphin by mid-Lent, 1429," was quite sufficiently fulfilled 
by the promise of the great Scottish contingent before Whitsunday. 
But the intelligence communicated by her Voices was undeniably 
and incomparably superior to that of the Foreign Office of the 
Dauphin. The hapless child-bride from Scotland did not arrive 
in France till seven years later; the 6000 men never came at 
all. Jeanne came ! 

We conjectural ly date the conversation of Jeanne with Jean 
de Novelonpont about February 5-7, 1429. Jeanne had not yet 
made any impression on Baudricourt, as she told Jean de 
Novelonpont. She could get neither horse nor convoy ; she must 
walk to the Dauphin, if she wore down her legs to the knees, as 
she said. Lassois bore witness thus: "When the Maid saw that 
Robert de Baudricourt would not have her led to the place 
where the Dauphin was " (Chinon on Loire), " she took clothes 
from me, and said that she must be going; and I led her to 
St. Nicholas on her way. . . ." 

To this shrine of St. Nicholas, on the road to France, Jeanne 
walked in male dress, not by way of making a pilgrimage, but 
merely in the first stage of her walk to Chinon. But, on reflection, 


she deemed this mode of travelling unworthy of her, and she 
returned to Vaucouleurs. 

Jean de Novelonpont says that he suggested to the Maid 
the idea of travelling in male dress, or rather, he asked her if she 
would do so, and she assented. But she had already made the 
experiment, in her renounced design of walking to Chinon. 

The Due de Loraine now heard of Jeanne, and sent for her, 
with a letter of safe conduct, to Nancy, some sixty or seventy 
miles from Vaucouleurs. A horse was purchased for her, and 
Jean de Novelonpont with Durand Lassois rode in her company, 
Jean as far as Toul, Lassois all the way. The journey in either 
direction would probably require two days. In going or coming 
Jeanne visited a famous shrine of St. Nicholas at St. Nicholas au 
Port, some five or six miles south of Nancy. She returned to 
Vaucouleurs about February 13, the day after the defeat of the 
French at Rouvray. 

From Jeanne's own account of what occurred at Nancy it 
seems that, so far, she had failed with Baudricourt. The Due 
de Loraine was an old man, in bad health, and was ruled by a 
mistress. Though an ally of England, he had recently married 
his daughter and heiress to Rend, second son of Yoland, Queen 
of Sicily and Duchess of Anjou, the mother-in-law of Charles VII. 
Rene, whose sympathies were French, was later the famous and 
popular " King Rend," of the gay court of artists and minstrels. 

All that we know from Jeanne about this visit to Nancy is that 
4< the Due put questions to her about the recovery of his health, 
concerning which, as she informed him, she knew nothing; but she 
told him a few things about her journey. She asked him to lend 
her his son-in-law (Rene) and men to lead her into France, and she 
would pray for his better health." He did give her a black horse 
and a little money, or perhaps with the money they bought the 
horse. Many years later a woman of Bourges averred that she had 
heard from Jeanne how she bade the Due put away his mistress ; 
but the lady's evidence is not, on points of what she remembered 
having heard, of much value. 


We may probably place, as we shall see, after the date of Jeanne's 
return to Vaucouleurs about February 13, a very singular incident, 
explained by a still more singular story. Jeanne's hostess, Royer's 
wife, was sitting at home with the Maid when Baudricourt himself 
and the cure, Fournier, entered the room. Madame Royer with- 
drew, but learned what occurred from Jeanne. The priest had 
brought his stole with him ; he put it on, and, in the presence of the 
bluff captain he exorcised the Maid, saying, " If thou be a thing of 
evil, begone from us ; if a thing of good, approach us ! " 

Then Jeanne dragged herself on her knees towards the priest. 
Clearly the devil was not in her ! Jeanne said to Madame Royer 
that " this act was ill done of the priest, for he had heard me in 
confession." It was ill done ; but how did the jolly Baudricourt — 
who had rejected all the Maid's petitions — come to think of having 
her tested as a witch ? He had hitherto taken her for neither witch 
nor prophetess, but for a silly girl. 

There is a conceivable answer to our question. In the 
Journal du Siege d' Orleans, and in a kind of synoptic and com- 
posite chronicle which coincides much with the Journal, namely, 
the Chronique de la Pucelle, and in the Mystere du Siege d'' Orleans, 
a play of uncertain date (1470?), we read, that on February 12, 
1429, Jeanne went to Baudricourt and said, " In God's name you 
are too slow in sending me ; for this day, near Orleans, a great 
disaster has befallen the gentle Dauphin, and worse fortune he 
will have unless you send me to him." The captain kept these 
words in his mind, and learned later that the day of Jeanne's 
revelation was the day when the Constable of Scotland and the 
Seigneur d'Orval were defeated by the English, namely, in the 
battle of the Herrings, at Rouvray, near Orleans. (February 12, 
1429.) Some six days might pass before the news of that rout 
reached Baudricourt, and Jeanne left for Chinon with her escort 
on February 23. Supposing that the tale is true, we see why 
Baudricourt, after he knew that Jeanne's prophecy was fulfilled, 
no longer regarded the Maid as merely a silly lass, but as either 
a thing of the devil or of God. She had vue a distance, knew of 


a remote event, through no normal channel of the senses. She 
was inspired, whether by God or the Evil one ! Being in doubt, 
Baudricourt would consult the curi y who thereon did the exorcism 
and settled the question. It is the same chronicler, Cousinot, 
author of the story of Jeanne's clairvoyance, who alone tells us that 
Baudricourt at first wished to make Jeanne a leaguer-lass for the 
diversion of his men-at-arms ; he seems to have special information 
about the bluff captain, and adds that Baudricourt wrote a letter 
to Charles VII mentioning the prophecy. Baudricourt did write 
about the Maid to Charles, when she set out for France, as we learn 
from other evidence. 

Be the story of Jeanne's clairvoyance true or false, it does not 
appear among the surviving contemporary legends about her 
except, perhaps, in a reference of Boulainvilliers in his letter of 
June 21, 1429; "after she had shown many marvels," Baudricourt 
ordered the men to lead her to the King. Jeanne does say that she 
spoke about her visions to Baudricourt, and to no other man except 
the King ; and this vision, when confirmed, and when Fournier 
proved Jeanne to be no witch, was well calculated to shake the 
captain's incredulity. 

About this time a king's messenger, Jean Colet de Vienne, was 
at Vaucouleurs. On February 23 he was one of the little band 
that started with Jeanne from the Gate of France to seek the 
Dauphin at Chinon. It may be conjectured that he had brought 
to Baudricourt the news of the great disaster of Rouvray of 
February 12. Jeanne and her company occupied eleven days, 
(February 23-March 6) on the march from Vaucouleurs to Chinon. 
Probably the king's messenger rode more swiftly ; taking a week 
on the road from Chinon, or six days, he might bring the ill news 
of Rouvray, arriving at Vaucouleurs about February 19. It is 
most improbable that Baudricourt could have written to the 
Dauphin concerning Jeanne (who, up to February 13, had made 
no impression on him), and have received a favourable reply from 
Court by February 20. Indeed, the thing is physically impossible. 
There was, perhaps, sufficient reason for making Baudricourt 


acquainted with the defeat at Rouvray. We have seen that, in 
the July of 1428, the English rulers of France launched 
Antoine de Vergy with an armed force against all the region 
under the rule of the captain of Vaucouleurs. Now a document 
(of July 22, 1428) proves that, on account of "the long delays" of 
several captains who ought to have aided the Governor of 
Champagne, Antoine de Vergy, in his attack on Vaucouleurs, a 
compact was made with Baudricourt " for the capitulation of 
Vaucouleurs and other places " under his command. 

Nothing more is known of this affair. Vaucouleurs was not 
surrendered. The force which approached it departed within five 
days at most. If it was to be given up, as was common in such 
cases, unless it were relieved by a given date, or unless the 
Dauphin, by a given date, won a great victory, then it would be 
natural for the Dauphin to send to Baudricourt a king's messenger 
with news of the disaster at Rouvray, and the improbability of 
relief. But the bargain of surrender may have been quashed 
months before February 1429 by the diplomacy of the Duke of 
Burgundy (who, under treaty, was bound not to attack Vaucouleurs), 
or of Rene, Due de Bar, who at that period was constantly writing 
letters to Baudricourt. In any case, news of so great a defeat as 
the Battle of the Herrings might be officially sent to Vaucouleurs, 
where the king's messenger certainly was before February 23. 
The desperate condition of Orleans, after Rouvray, would make 
Baudricourt less averse to giving the Maid her chance, spes exigua 
et extrema. 

Whatever motives may have overcome Baudricourt's sense of 
the ridiculous, he did little in the way of equipping the Maid for 
her long journey, when at last he permitted her to set out for 
Chinon. The expenses of the journey were defrayed by Jean de 
Novelonpont and by Bertrand de Poulengy, who were reimbursed 
from the Royal treasury. 

A momentous step was taken. By the suggestion of Jean, as 
he said (the point has been mentioned already), Jeanne changed 
her poor girl's dress of red cloth for the tunic, vest, long breeches, 


boots, spurs, and cap of a page. The people of Vaucouleurs 
subscribed towards the expense ; a horse was bought for Jeanne ; 
and when she, with her two friends, their two servants, Richard 
the Archer, and the king's messenger, Colet de Vienne, rode out 
of the Gate of France, Baudricourt gave the Maid a sword, and 
said, Allez, et vienne que pourra ! 

Her friends came to see her ride forth, rejoicing in this her 
first victory over the doubting hearts of men. " You should not 
go," they said, "all the ways are beset by men-at-arms." But 
Jeanne, who had told Katherine Royer that " she longed to be 
gone, as a woman with child longs for the day of her delivery," 
replied, " The way is made clear before me. I have my Lord who 
makes the path smooth to the gentle Dauphin, for to do this deed 
I was born." Then through the gathering dusk, for they rode by 
night, they went down the way to France. 


What manner of maid, to outward view, was she that on 
February 23, 1429, rode through the gate of France to achieve 
her great adventure? Even according to the English tradition 
Jeanne d'Arc was beautiful. In Shakespeare's Henry vi (Part I. 
Act 1. Scene 2) she explains her beauty by a miracle. Our Lady 
appeared to her, 

" And, whereas I was black and swart before, 
With these clear rays which she infused on me, 
That beauty am I bless'd with which you see." 

The captains in the old mystery play, La Mystere du Siege 
a" Orleans, describe her thus : 

' ' Elle est plaisante en falls et dits, 
Belle et blanche comme la rose.''' 

" Sweet she is in words and deeds, 
Fair and white as the white rose.'' 

Beauty may be suggested in the Homeric manner, without 
details, as when the Trojan elders say of Helen, " wondrous 
like is she to the divine and deathless goddesses." Jeanne is 
painted thus Homerically in a letter by a young knight, Guy 
de Laval, to his mother: "She seems a thing all divine, de son 
faict, and to see her and hear her." From other witnesses we 
learn that she " was beautiful in face and figure " {belle et bien 
formie\ "her face was glad and smiling," "her breasts were 
beautiful." Her hair was black, cut short like a soldier's ; as to her 

eyes and features, having no information, we may conceive of 



them as we please. Probably she had grey eyes, and a clear, pale 
colour under the tan of sun and wind. She was so tall that she 
could wear a man's clothes, those, for example, of Durand Lassois. 
Thus, with her natural aspect of gladness and her ready April 
tears, Jeanne was a maid whom men loved to look upon, and 
followed gladly ; for 

" Elle est plaisante en faits et dits, 
Belle et blanche com me la rose." 

In Chaucer's pretty phrase she was 

"Sweet as » flower and upright as a bolt.'' 

There is no portrait of her. She never sat to a painter ; and 
the popular images, whether from memory or fancy, are mainly 
late or apocryphal. 

Her health was perfect, her energy was proved to be inde- 
fatigable. Her courtly manner of address and salutation she 
seemed to have learned from her crowned and gracious lady 
Saints. She loved a good horse, a good knight, and a good sword, 
and she loved to go richly clad. But when the Maid at last 
appeared before her gentle Dauphin, she wore a black pourpoint, 
a kind of breeches fastened by laces and points to the pourpoint, 
a short coarse dark grey tunic, and a black cap on her close 
cropped black hair. Probably she rode out of Vaucouleurs in the 
same raiment. 

Jeanne, as she went on her way through the night, by roads 
which the bands of Burgundy, of England, and of the robber 
captains infested, had no fear of them, and no anxiety about the 
conduct of her companions. Baudricourt had made them swear 
an oath, she says, that they would guide her well and safely. 
Thanks to their oath, their chivalry, and " the goodness they saw 
in her," the two gentlemen, they swear, went with Jeanne as free 
from passion as if she had been their sister. It was, at the lowest, 
their interest to bring her unharmed, a maiden prophetess, to 
their king. 


The little troop travelled all night, for fear of the wandering 
bands of Burgundy and England. In this hostile country, to 
Jeanne's regret, they dared not go to Mass. She appears to have 
been more apt to confide in them than she supposed she had been, 
as to her Voices. " Ever she bade us to have no fear, for her 
Brothers of Paradise taught her always what she should do, and 
it was now four years or five since they and her Lord had told her 
that she must go to the war for the recovery of France." But she 
apparently spoke no word as to the mode of the appearance of her 
Brothers of Paradise. 

Their first night march brought them to the town of St. Urbain. 
There was a piece of gossip to the effect that some of her company 
once tried her courage, by suddenly appearing as if hostile, while 
the others made as if they would flee. " In God's name stand ! " 
she cried, " they will do us no harm." It is not a likely tale, and 
was merely reported as an on dit. 

While on hostile ground, taking byways, they had to ford four 
or five rivers before they reached Auxerre, in Anglo-Burgundian 
territory, where they heard Mass. Soon they were at Gien, in the 
Dauphin's country, and safe except from marauders and highway- 
men. There was a story current in April 1429, that some such 
fellows had laid an ambush for Jeanne, but had made no attack, 
perhaps not finding themselves in sufficient force. Precisely the 
same story — the men were rooted to the ground — is told of the 
contemporary St. Colette. 

The most interesting place where the Maid paused during her 
journey is the little town of Fierbois, near Chinon, south of the 
Loire. Here was a famous chapel of one of her Saints, St. 
Catherine. For some reason, St. Catherine of Fierbois was the 
patroness of captives taken by the English and Burgundians. 
French and Scots soldiers were wont to make pilgrimages thither, 
and relate to the clergy of the chapel the miracles by which the 
Saint had enabled them to escape. Among the witnesses to their 
own marvellous escapes are men and women of good character and 
position. Others may have been among the vagabonds who then 


went about begging, on the score that they must thank St. 
Catherine at her shrine. They are described amusingly in the 
contemporary Liber Vagatorum. The stories, told at Fierbois with 
simple sincerity, were recorded in the chapel book, with the names 
of the witnesses of the confessions, among them Dunois and La 
Hire. (The manuscript has been published by the Abbe* Bourasse, 
and translated by myself.) The most astonishing tale is that of 
Michael Hamilton, a Scot from Bothwell. While at home, he had 
a special devotion to St. Catherine, who served him well abroad. 
He was caught when freebooting, and hanged. In the night came 
a Voice to the local cure', bidding him to cut down the Scot. The 
cure' was disobedient to that heavenly voice ; but next day, when 
his Easter service was over, he sent his servant, who strolled to the 
spot, and taking out his penknife, cut Michael's toe. Michael 
kicked ; he was certainly alive ; he was cut down, and was tended by 
a charitable religious lady. He neglected to make his promised 
pilgrimage to Fierbois, till, at night, he received a sonorous box 
on the ear, and heard a voice bidding him fulfil his vow. Unable 
to walk, owing to the wound inflicted by the penknife, he rode to 
Fierbois, and there made his deposition.. This tale Jeanne did not 
hear, for Michael came to Fierbois when she was engaged in the 
relief of Orleans. She must have heard many of the other miracles 
read, — at least this is probable. She also heard three Masses. 
At Fierbois she dictated a letter to the Dauphin, asking permission 
to enter his town of Chinon, for she had ridden a hundred and fifty 
leagues to tell him things useful to him, and known to her. Her 
impression was that in this letter she told the King that she 
" would recognise him among all others." 

She rode to Chinon, and, after dining or breakfasting at a 
hostelry, kept by a woman of good repute, she appears to have gone 
to the castle. If so, she was not at once admitted. The Dauphin 
sent persons to ask who she was and why she came. Clearly he 
knew nothing about her ; her letter and that of Baudricourt had not 
been given to him. She was unwilling to answer till she saw the 
King, says Simon Charles, Maitre des Requites, who seems to have 


been informed by Jean de Novelonpont. She would then say no 
more than that she was to relieve Orleans, and lead the King to his 
coronation at Reims. The Council was divided in opinion as to 
whether she should be admitted or not ; however, an appointment 
was made, though even when she approached the castle the King, 
by advice of the majority of the Council, hesitated to see her. Not 
till then was the prince informed of Baudricourt's letter and of 
Jeanne's " almost miraculously " safe journey. All this is strange. 
Probably the favourites and advisers of the Dauphin, La Tremoi'lle 
and the rest, threw the Maid's letter away as a piece of nonsense, 
and kept back that of Baudricourt as lacking in the captain's usual 
common sense. 

Jeanne, at all events, was advancing towards the castle, when 
(as her confessor, Pasquerel, declares that she herself informed 
him) she was insulted and sworn at by a man on horseback. She 
answered, " In God's name do you swear, and you so near your 
death ! " Within the hour the man fell into the water (the castle 
moat ?) and was drowned. The story is alluded to by a con- 
temporary Italian letter-writer. The confessor Pasquerel had at 
this time never seen the Maid, he joined her on her expedition to 

Louis de Bourbon, Comte de Vendome, led Jeanne into the 
Royal presence. The hall of audience was crowded ; Jeanne says 
that three hundred knights were present, and the place shone with 
the lustre of fifty flambeaux. Now the chamber is a roofless ruin ; 
a wall with the wide fireplace is still intact. Coming in from the 
darkness of the night, the Maid, in her page's dress of black and 
grey, was not dazzled by the torches burning ; was not confused 
by such a throng of men in velvet and cloth of gold, in crimson 
and in azure, as she had never seen ; veteran soldiers, counsellors 
like false La Tremoi'lle, prelates like the Archbishop of Reims. 
Says de Gaucourt, who was present, " she came forward with great 
humility and simplicity, and I heard these words which she spoke 
to the King thus : " Most noble Lord Dauphin, I come from God to 
help you and your realm." The Dauphin drew her apart, and 


spoke with her long. " The King seemed to rejoice in what 
he heard." 

She had recognised Charles at once, and it is certain that, in 
her opinion, she did so spontaneously. He is said to have been an 
ugly young man, as we saw, with legs like those of our own 
James VI. He is also said to have been a very comely person, 
moult b el prince. She may have heard him described ; she certainly 
believed that she knew him through her Voices. 

De Gaucourt, who was present, says nothing about a miracle of 
recognition, or about the Dauphin disguised in a mean costume. 
Writing, probably some four months later (June 1429), the clerk 
of La Rochelle says that the King was not in the hall when the 
Maid entered ; that Charles de Bourbon and others were pointed 
out to her as being the Dauphin ; that she was not deceived, but 
knew him when he entered from another chamber. If she wrote 
to him from Fierbois, as she remembered, saying that she would 
recognise him, the courtiers may have tried to play tricks on her, 
and to puzzle her. 

By April 22, 1429, it was on record that she had promised to 
raise the siege of Orleans, and to lead the King to be crowned, with 
other matters " which the King keeps strictly secret." The informant 
was an officer in the employment of Charles de Bourbon, and this 
is the earliest contemporary hint — within the month — concerning 
" The King's Secret," a much debated subject. According to 
Jeanne, her secret communication to Charles made him take her 
seriously ; she was to be examined by clerks, divines, and legists. 
According to her confessor, Pasquerel, the Maid told him that she 
said, " I tell thee, from Messire," from her Lord, " that thou art 
true heir of France and son of the King.'' She tutoyait him, speaking 
as a prophetess from Heaven. There was little in the words, from 
a travestied village girl of whom he knew nothing, to inspire 
confidence in the Dauphin, but the Maid said more. In a letter of 
the end of July, attributed to the poet, Alain Chartier, it is written, 
" As to what she said to the King, nobody knows that. But it was 
most manifest that the King was greatly encouraged, as if by the 


Spirit " (non mediocri fuisse alacritate perfusum). In a letter to 
Venice from Bruges, dated July 9, we find, "It is said that the 
Maid notified the Dauphin that none must know these things" 
(her revelations), " save God and himself." He therefore took her 

That Jeanne did give a secret " sign " to the King, which made 
him take her pretensions in earnest, she maintained at her trial. 
She could not be induced to explain this sign; in a separate 
chapter her treatment of the subject will be investigated. It will 
be seen that, perhaps, while she gave the sign secretly on her first 
interview with the Dauphin, she later, by his desire, communicated 
it to some of his adherents. 

As to what the sign given by the Maid to the King really was, 
I have no hesitation in following the opinion of her greatest 
historian, Jules Quicherat He accepts as authentic the statement 
of the contemporary, Thomas Basin, Bishop of Lisieux, as given 
in his History of Charles VII. " The Comte de Dunois, who 
was most intimate with the King, told me the facts on the King's 
own authority. The Maid confirmed her account " (of her mission) 
" by rehearsing to the King matters so secret and hidden that no 
mortal except himself could know them save by divine revelation." 

The King did not tell Dunois, or Dunois did not tell Basin, 
what the secret was that only God and the King and the Maid 
knew. If we accept other evidence at third hand, as Quicherat 
does with conviction, the secret could not be divulged with 
safety while Charles lived, or at least while his right to the 
crown and his possession of his kingdom was still contested. But 
later the secret came to light. The facts peep out very shyly. 
First, we have no less than ten reports, in contemporary letters 
of 1429 and in evidence of contemporaries given in 1450-1456, 
that the Maid told the Dauphin certain secret things, which 
appeared to fill him with confidence and joy. (For these see 
the supplementary chapter on " The Sign given to the King.") 

Next, we have the evidence of two Chronicles, probably not 
completed in their exact form before 1468, that the secret 


referred to something which the Dauphin himself^ had done, 
" a vow which he had made," " something great which he had 
done," " a thing that none could know save God and himself." 
At her Trial Jeanne went so far as to admit that he had a sign 
"connected with his own doings." Then in the undated mystery 
play (1470?) (Mystkre du Siege d Orleans), the King before 
Jeanne's arrival makes a secret prayer, and Jeanne recalls it to his 

After that came into light the details of the prayer, which, 
for good reasons, could not be published during the lifetime of 
the King. 

These details are given in the Hardiesses des grands Rois, by 
Pierre Sala (15 16). 

Sala had been a servant of Louis XI (son of Charles vii), and of 
Charles VIII. Under the last named king, about 1480, Sala became 
familiar with de Boisy, who had been a gentleman of the bed- 
chamber of Charles VII, the only gentleman whose bed Charles 
shared, as was the custom. To de Boisy the distrustful King 
communicated the secret; in his utmost need, in 1428, he made, 
alone, a mental prayer in his oratory, ,l uttering no words, but 
in his heart imploring God that, if he were indeed the true 
heir, of the blood of the noble House of France, and the kingdom 
rightfully his own, God would please to guard and defend him ; 
or at least grant him grace to avoid death or captivity, and 
escape to Spain or Scotland, whose kings were of all ancientry 
brothers in arms, and allies of the kings of France; wherefore 
he had chosen them as his last refuge." 

When the Maid came, announcing her mission, " she verified 
it by the proofs above stated, which the King recognised for true." 

There are other versions to much the same effect ; but from 
Sala we get the chain of evidence, and Quicherat holds that it 
places beyond doubt the authenticity of the revelation : while 
Jeanne told her judges that, before she left Vaucouleurs, the 
Voices promised that she should receive a sign which would 
convince the King. 


Vallet de Viriville recognised the concurrence of very notable 
testimonies to these facts. But as, if accepted, they do attest what 
we call "supernormal faculties" in the Maid, he scientifically 
explains them thus : The Maid may have been guided on this 
point by the King's confessor, Machet, his old tutor. To reach 
this conclusion we must suppose that the King told his confessor 
about his prayer, — which, on the evidence he did not, — that 
Machet broke the seal of confession in his enthusiasm for a strange 
girl dressed as a page, and that he and the Maid conspired to 
hoax the confiding monarch. 

This scientific explanation is not easy to believe. M. Anatole 
France observes that Jeanne's assurance of his legitimacy would 
not have affected the King. " His first thought would have been 
that the clergy had coached her " (avaient endoctrine la jeune fille?) 

But Charles, on the evidence, was not convinced by Jeanne's 
assertion, but by her proofs ; her knowledge of " what was known 
only to God and himself." 

With Ouicherat and Vallet de Viriville I recognise the excel- 
lence of the evidence, but cannot explain the facts away on the 
system of de Viriville. 

Meanwhile the secret, obviously, could not be made public at 
the time, as it proved Charles's doubts of his own legitimacy. At 
the trial of the Maid not even the threat of torture and the sight 
of the rack, the boot, and the tormentor, could wring the facts 
from her. 

The confidence of the Dauphin was tempered by abundant 
discretion. The clergy and doctors of his party must be consulted 
before the bizarre messenger of God could be employed. The 
Maid, meanwhile, was lodged in the tower of Coudray, part of the 
palace at Chinon, and entrusted to Guillaume Bellier, an official of 
the Court, and to his pious wife. A page of fourteen or fifteen 
years old, Louis de Coutes, in the service of de Gaucourt, was 
given to her as her attendant by day. He was of a poor but noble 
family; on the mother's side he came of the Scottish house of 
Mercer. He often saw Jeanne going to and coming from the King, 


and men of high station often visited her ; he was not present at 
their meetings with her. De Coutes frequently saw her kneeling 
in prayer and weeping. 

As when at Vaucouleurs, she had " longed, as a woman with 
child longs for her delivery," to go to Chinon, so now she prayed 
and wept, desiring sorely to succour the people of Orleans. 
" You hold so many and such long councils,'' she said to the 
Dauphin later. Her heart was on fire to be at work, not to waste 
that "one year and little more" during which she was to endure, 
as she kept telling the Dauphin. It is d'Alencon who vouches 
for this sad and absolutely accurate repeated prophecy. Jeanne 
must have* made it from the first, for in a letter dated " Bruges, 
May 10, 1429," the writer remarks, " It is said that the Maid is to 
achieve two more great feats " (in addition to the relief of Orleans), 
" and then to die." We must think of her as always foreknowing, 
and always disregarding her swiftly approaching end. 

Indeed, Orleans was in need of succour, while the learned at 
Chinon and Poitiers split hairs and asked futile questions, and 
quoted Scripture, and Merlin, and Bede, and Marie of Avignon, 
wearying the Maid beyond endurance. 

As the Journal du Siege shows, provisions now came in by 
driblets, a few cattle, a few pack horses, a few swine ; and what 
were they in time of Lent ? By February 6 came La Hire and 
Poton de Saintrailles, good at need, he who later helped to raise 
the long siege of Compiegne, while Jeanne lay in captivity. 
Envoys sent to the Dauphin returned with promise of succour, and 
on February 8 arrived William Stewart, brother of the Constable 
of the army of Scotland, with de Gaucourt, and a thousand fight- 
ing men, mainly Scots ; their entry was " a right fair sight to see." 
They were within four days of their death. Meanwhile young 
Charles de Bourbon, already mentioned, the Comte de Clermont, 
not yet a knight, had mustered a relieving force at Blois. With 
him was John Stewart of Darnley, " Constable of Scotland," La 
Tour d'Auvergne, and a force of men, some 4000, from Auvergne, 
the Bourbonnais, and Scotland. 


A small party who went tcT them from Orleans were taken 
by the English on February 9. On February io, Dunois 
rode to Blois, with an escort of 200 men, to know when and 
where the army of Blois would attack a huge convoy which 
Fastolf was leading from Paris to the English, with Lenten pro- 
vender and munitions of war. On the following day, William 
Stewart, d'Albret, Saintrailles, and La Hire led from Orleans more 
than 1500 men to join hands with the army of Blois under Charles 
de Bourbon, and capture Fastolfs convoy. Charles de Bourbon 
himself led his large force to Rouvray, near Janville; his whole 
array numbered from 3000 to 4000 fighting men. Fastolf had but 
1500, English, Picards, Normans, and others, with details of drivers 
and commissariat, to guard a convoy of many waggons, laden with 
guns, ammunition, and, by way of Lenten food, pickled herrings. 
To rout this motley force, and seize the convoy, was apparently an 
easy task for an unencumbered army of twice their numbers. But 
for the timidity of Charles de Bourbon and the imprudent valour of 
the Scots, the twelfth of February might have seen a fatal blow 
dealt at the besiegers, and Orleans might have needed no aid from 
a visionary peasant girl. 

But Fastolf knew the great game of war ; his mounted 
skirmishers brought in the intelligence that a French army was 
not far off, and Fastolf, with his waggons, the long spikes of his 
archers, and the bundles of palisades connected by iron chains, 
described by Bueil in Le Jouvencel, constructed a scientific laager, 
wide, with a long narrow entry. " There his men chose to live or 
die, for of escape they had no hope." 

Meanwhile the force of La Hire, Poton, Sir Hugh Kennedy, 
and the rest, all mounted save the archers, and resolved to fight 
from horseback, were near enough Fastolfs company to charge 
them before they had formed their laager. But Charles de Bourbon, 
with his 4000 men, kept sending gallopers to bid La Hire and 
Kennedy await his coming. From deference to Charles, and in great 
disgust, vigorously expressed by La Hire, the French and Scots 
awaited impatiently, seeing the laager established before their eyes. 


The " Constable of Scotland " had now reached the front with 
four hundred of his countrymen, always anxious to come to hand- 
strokes. There was an archery skirmish about three in the 
afternoon. Then Sir John Stewart leaped from his saddle, dis- 
regarding the general order to remain mounted, and, with William 
Stewart, Dunois, and many French gentlemen, led a desperate 
charge of four hundred against the fortified position of the English. 
Fastolf, seeing that Charles de Bourbon's force was crawling up 
very slowly, and could not for long come into action, led a sortie 
of his own company, greatly outnumbering the assailants, and, 
according to the Journal du Siege, nearly exterminated them. 
There followed a general rout, the standards of the English, with 
few men under each, waved in every part of the plain, and the 
fugitives were being cut down, when La Hire and Poton rallied 
a handful of eighty horse and began to attack the scattered 
English. But both the Stewarts and d'Albret, with many other 
French leaders, had fallen in their wild charge; and Dunois, 
wounded in the foot by an arrow, was constrained to retreat, 
while Poton and La Hire formed a rearguard to protect the 
fugitives against attack by the English from their forts round 
Orleans. Charles de Bourbon, whose army had not struck a 
blow, returned to Orleans also, covered with disgrace which did 
not affect the Dauphin's confidence in him. 

Two days later, without opposition, Fastolf marched his 
convoy and his victorious men into the camp of the English, 
who gave to this encounter the name of the battle of the Herrings, 
and made merry over their meagre food. 

Orleans was now deserted by Charles de Bourbon, who went 
to the King at Chinon. The very bishop, John Kirkmichael, a 
Scot, and a man of the sword, left his unhappy town, and two 
thousand fighting men decamped, under knights of Auvergne, 
Scotland, and the Bourbonnais. Even La Hire withdrew, promis- 
ing to return. Only Dunois and the Marshal de Boussac and 
de Sainte Severe and their men remained at the post of danger. 
The great effort at relieving Orleans had failed disastrously. 


The brave people of the good town did not despair. In the 
first week of March, while Bedford was raising a forced loan of 
a quarter of their pay from his officials in Normandy, Dunois 
received news that a shepherdess, called the Pucelle, had passed 
through Gien, saying that she came to relieve Orleans, and, by 
God's decree, to lead the Dauphin to be crowned at Reims. 

Meanwhile the condition of the Dauphin is painted in the 
darkest colours. " Everything went ill with him," says Monstrelet, 
" and turned from bad to worse." We have only the evidence of 
the mysterious Monk of Dunfermline for the statement that he 
made for La Rochelle, intending to sail to Scotland A less 
dubious authority says that his Council had considered the plan 
of retiring to the Dauphin^, and trying to keep the Lyons region 
with Languedoc and Auvergne. 

Meanwhile Poton, with other envoys, had gone to negotiate for 
the neutrality, under the guardianship of Burgundy, of the city of 
Orleans. They approached the duke in Flanders ; he took them 
with him to meet Bedford in Paris (April 4-13), and they returned 
to Orleans on April 17. The Regent refused "to beat the bush 
and let others catch the birds " : a quarrel arose, and the duke told 
Poton and the other envoys that the Dauphin and his party, if not 
reinforced, " would be right wretched and of little avail." The 
embassy had, at least, nearly estranged Burgundy and Bedford. 
Poton's diplomatic idea was a brilliant one for a reckless cavalry 
leader. Either they would have peace, if their prayer were granted, 
or Bedford and Burgundy were sure to quarrel over the matter. 

The skirmishes round Orleans continued ; really the chief 
weapon of the English seems to have been their HURRAH, "cry 
moult grande et terrible" which was singularly disconcerting to the 
French. By March 3 the besiegers began to tighten the weak 
cordon round Orleans, making a covered sunken way between their 
largest fortified camp, St. Laurent (outside the western city gate, 
and commanding the road to Blois), to their fort of St. Ladre, 
called Paris, which blocked the road from Paris. In this operation 
they lost fourteen men, including Gray, a nephew of the late Earl 


of Salisbury. The English, however, had a success at the fort 
between St. Laurent — La Croix Boissde — and the great hold which 
they called London. 

On March 8 the English were reinforced by two hundred men 
from Jargeau and by many others from the garrisons in Beauce, 
and an attack in force was expected. On March 10 the English 
began to work at their fortress of St. Loup, which was near the 
river, commanding the ferry above the town, and was meant to 
stop convoys coming from the south by the further side of the 
Loire. The city was now girt about by those bastilles ; for, on the 
further side of the river, the boulevard of St. Prive, with a fort on 
the isle of Charlemagne opposite the fort of St. Laurent; the 
Tourelles at the bridge-head ; the fort of the Augustins ; and the 
fort of St. Jean le Blanc, appeared to make entrance by water 
impossible, and St. Loup guarded the ferry and the approaches 
from the east. 

The citizens were thus straitened, and only a few small supplies 
came in ; but there was never a really " close siege," as the con- 
temporary Burgundian knight, Monstrelet, remarks. Moreover, 
the English forces, far too few for their task, were divided by the 
river, and could not, or did not, succour each other, though they 
held an apparently safe way of crossing from St. Laurent to the 
fort on the isle Charlemagne, and thence to the fort St. Prive\ 
The English were, at least, well supplied with food, for the 
Bourgeois de Paris, in his journal, complains that victuals rose to 
double their price in the town, as so much grain and meat were 
taken to the besiegers of Orleans. 

The Orleans people, however, had to be constantly under arms ; 
the English guns of position began to scatter death, and on April 7 
the fighting men of the town let a convoy enter the English 
camp without opposition. On April 13 a considerable supply 
of money arrived in the town, and on April 17 came back Poton 
de Saintrailles, with a trumpeter from the Duke of Burgundy. 
Bedford would not allow him to take Orleans into his keeping ; 
Burgundy, therefore, withdrew his troops from the English camp, 


and the lines of investment were weaker than ever. But by 
April 19 the English received a great convoy and a considerable 
reinforcement of Norman vassals, who straightway went home 
again ; and now they finished their fort of St. Jean le Blanc, 
guarding the ferry from the further side of the Loire, and they cut 
off a convoy destined for Orleans. None the less, on April 28, 
they failed to prevent the entry of four hundred French men-at- 
arms under Florent d'llliers. This fact in itself proves that they 
would not leave their fortresses to attack a strong relieving army. 
Jeanne understood, and prophesied that the English would not 
oppose her forces, the French leaders did not understand. 

The city had now been besieged for six months. English 
blood and money had been freely spent, but nothing decisive had 
been done or even attempted ; save for the battle of the Herrings, 
the English had won no laurels since they took the Tourelles. 
They had not the numbers that would justify them in an attempt 
to storm the town ; nor could they reduce it by starvation. 
Bedford, who had never approved of the siege, understood his 
helplessness. Early in April he had expressed his views to the 
English Council in London. He wrote that he wanted Henry VI 
to be crowned in Paris : he had already heard, it is clear, of the 
Maid's design to crown the Dauphin at Reims. He also wrote 
that the English army at Orleans was thinned by desertions, 
11 without reinforcements and great expense of money the siege 
cannot be maintained." He demanded 400 lances, and 1200 
archers, engaged for half a year. They did not arrive in time. 

And now, against the failing English, was to come the Maid, 
with an ample convoy, and a fairly large relieving force. Had she, 
in place of Charles de Bourbon, commanded the army of Blois, she 
would have won the battle of the Herrings, have entered Orleans 
with 4000 men, and by the audacity of her attack would have 
raised the siege eleven weeks before, in fact, she did drive the 
English from the walls. 

We left her in the tower of the castle Coudray, at Chinon, 
eating her own heart with desire to engage. At least she then 


made a loyal friend, of the Royal blood, the young Due d'Alencon, 
who had been taken at Verneuil (1424), and was recently returned 
from prison. He was shooting quails in the marshes when he 
heard how the Maid had arrived, and been received by the 
Dauphin. Next day he went to the castle and found Jeanne in 
conversation with her prince. The Dauphin named d'Alencon to 
her (she did not recognise him by miracle) ; " Sir, you are welcome," 
she said, " the more of the blood Royal we have together, the 
better." Next day he saw Jeanne at the royal Mass ; she bowed to 
the Dauphin. When service was over the Dauphin led d'Alencon, 
La Tr^mo'ille, and the Maid into a chamber apart, dismissing the 
rest of his courtiers. 

Jeanne, true to her idea that France was held in fief from God, 
asked the Dauphin to place the realm in the hands of God, and 
receive it again ; a common feudal formality as between lord 
and vassal. D'Alencon says that this surrender of the realm 
to the Dauphin's Divine Overlord was only one of the requests 
which Jeanne made. The affair came to be talked about; it 
was reported in extant contemporary letters, and despatches to 
Italy and Germany, and we know what the other requests were, 
or were supposed to be. The Dauphin was to amend his life, 
and live after God's will. He was to be clement, and grant a 
general amnesty; he was to be a good lord to rich and poor, 
friend and enemy. Two contemporary sources, German and 
Italian, thus describe the requests of the Maid. 

A critic who seeks everywhere for the fraudulent priest behind 
the scenes of Jeanne's mission, recognises in her requests the 
voice of the secret clerical prompter. That forger of false 
prophecies had little to gain by trying to make the Dauphin 
promise to do what in the coronation oath every king swore to 
do. Jeanne could not but have learned, at church, that Heaven 
punishes nations for the sins of their rulers ; that the hearts of 
kings are in the hands of God ; that they are but His vassals. 
All this was knowledge common as household words ; the current 
voice of the preacher proclaimed all this, especially in times of 


national disaster, and the Maid had taken the knowledge to 

So they talked and dined, a strange party of four. There is 
the Dauphin, always kind, courteous, and unconvinced ; there is 
d'Alencon, young, handsome, and loyal ; there is the sceptical 
La Tremoille, his Falstaffian paunch ripening for the dagger 
thrust dealt in the Tour Coudray (1433), the tower where Jeanne 
at this time was lodged ; there is the beautiful eager Maid, with 
foreknowledge of doom in her eyes. A month agone she was 
the guest of Katherine Royer ; now she is the companion of kings 
and princes, and equal to either fortune. In the Arabian Nights 
there is no tale more marvellous. 

They talked, and then the Dauphin went into the meadows, 
where Jeanne so won dAlencon's heart by gracious horsemanship 
and managing her lance, that he gave her a horse. Henceforth 
d'Alencon was to Jeanne her beau Due, they were true comrades 
in arms, and, in his opinion, on one occasion he owed his life to 
her. He had fought and was keen to fight again ; and like a 
brave man, he confessed that Jeanne once gave him courage at a 
moment when he needed her inspiration. 


At Chinon much time was wasted. It was, no doubt, desirable 
that a set of learned divines should look into Jeanne's case. She 
claimed to be inspired ; she was credited, however vaguely, with 
exhibitions of supernormal faculties, or, as they would have said, 
with power to see things far remote — if the tale of her clair- 
voyance of the battle of the Herrings had reached men's ears — 
with power to behold the future — if they had heard of her 
prediction that the man who insulted her should be drowned. 

These were perilous accomplishments. As late as 1616, Jonka 
Dyneis was burned in the Orkneys for no greater offence. Her 
husband being at sea in a fishing boat, and in peril six miles 
from their home, " she was found and seen standing at her own 
house wall, in a trance, that same hour he was in danger, and, 
being trapped, she could not give answer, but stood as bereft of 
senses ; and when she was asked why she was so moved, she 
answered, " If our boat be not lost, she is in great hazard." So 
Jonka Dyneis was burned at a stake for a mere moment of 
telepathy. But in 1616, and much later, telepathy was condemned 
as a " phairie control " in Scotland. The learned of the King's 
party must test Jeanne, and find out whether her " controls " were 
not fairies. Either she was inspired by God, or she was a limb 
of the Devil ; only the wisest clerks could decide, if even they 
could. To be mixed up with a witch or a possessed woman 
would harm the Dauphin's character much more than complicity 
in a mere normal murder on the bridge of Montereau. 

Jeanne was therefore sent to Poitiers, the chief University 



town, and home of the Bar in the shrunken realm of the 
Dauphin. If we may believe a chronicle, written by Cousinot, 
secretary of the King, or another Cousinot, chancellor of the 
Due d'Orl^ans, she knew not whither they were leading her. 
" To Poitiers ? In God's name I know I shall have trouble 
enough; but let us be going." She went to the house of Jean 
Rabuteau, the lay Advocate General ; she was still clad, no doubt 
sumptuously, as a page. Jeanne would rather have faced the 
hottest fire at the closest quarters than be cross-examined by 
learned old lawyers and divines, whom she regarded as the most 
tedious and futile of mankind. For people in religion, for working 
priests, she had a sacred regard. For the Doctors and their silly 
"celestial science," she had a hearty contempt. They were to 
be her bane. 

Absolutely convinced of the authenticity of her mission, seeing, 
as she said, her Saints " with her bodily eyes as clearly as she 
saw" the dull doctors, she fretted over the waste of her one in- 
valuable year. With a company of men-at-arms, however small, 
she would relieve Orleans. That was as plain to her as the sun 
in heaven. One thing, meanwhile, she could do, when not being 
cross-examined; she prayed daily and nightly in a little chapel 
attached to Rabuteau's house, which then, or later, was known as 
the Hotel de la Rose. According to a venerabilis et scientificus vir y 
King's Advocate and Doctor of Laws, she " answered her inter- 
rogators as well as any good clerk could do, and they believed she 
had a divine mission." If so, they were much too scientific to give 
this as their mature opinion in writing. Like the rest of the 
Dauphin's subjects, they were miserably needy ; but their poverty 
did not induce them to accept Jeanne with headlong enthusiasm. 

Brother S^guin, Professor of Theology, was sent by the Arch- 
bishop of Reims — the President of the Examining Commission — 
to interrogate the Maid, with a number of other University pro- 
fessors, who owe their shadowy immortality to this circumstance 
alone. (It seems that there were two men named Seguin on the 
board ; one a Carmelite, the other a Dominican.) Professor Jean 


Lombart asked her what made her come to the King? She 
answered haughtily {magno modo) — for she was weary of them — 
that " a Voice came to her while she was herding her flock, and 
told her that God had great pity on the people of France, and that 
she must needs go into France. That she thereon wept," but at 
last went to Baudricourt, and so to Chinon. A Voice was men- 
tioned, of visions nothing was said. Professor Aymeri said, " If 
God wishes to deliver France, He does not need men-at-arms." 
Jeanne knew that the English were not the kind of devils who go 
out merely under stress of prayer and fasting; she said, " In God's 
name the men-at-arms will fight, and God will give the victory." 
" Wherewith Professor Aymeri was content." 

Professor Seguin then asked, " What language does the Voice 
speak?" Uniformly courteous as she was, the absurdity of the 
professorial query broke down her politeness. What language 
save French could she understand ? " The Voice speaks a better 
language than yours," for he was a Limousin, and their patois was 
a common subject of ridicule. 

" Do you believe in God ? " 

" More firmly than you do ! " 

" God does not wish us to believe in you without better evi- 
dence. We cannot advise the King to entrust you with men-at- 
arms on your mere assertion, and risk their lives, unless you tell 
us more than this." He wanted an instant miracle by way of 

" In God's name, I did not come to Poitiers to work miracles ! 
Take me to Orleans, and I will show you the signs of my sending ; 
give me few men or many, and I go." She then ventured on four 
predictions. She would, first, summon the English, and then, if 
they were recalcitrant, would drive them from their siege. Next, 
the Dauphin would be crowned at Reims. Third, Paris would 
come into his allegiance. Lastly, the Due d'OrMans would return 
from England. Seguin had seen, by 1456, but Jeanne only fore- 
saw the fulfilment of the third and fourth predictions. 

A young man of the sword, Thibault, meeting Jeanne at 


Rabuteau's house, was more kindly received than the theologians. 
" She struck me on the shoulder saying that she wished she had 
many men of as good will as I." Thibault heard some professors 
ask their old questions. She replied that she would raise the 
siege and crown the King, and dictated a letter summoning the 
English to depart. A letter of this kind is dated March 22, but 
is not the brief note of three lines dictated to Maitre Pierre de 
Versailles. " I know not A from B," she said to Versailles, in 
Thibault's presence, " Have you paper and ink ? " Erault then 
wrote down her summons to the English. Some of the Doctors, 
at least Erault, had heard Marie d'Avignon prophesy, and Erault 
is said to have firmly believed that Jeanne was the Maid who 
should bear arms, according to that prediction of Marie d'Avignon 
to Charles VI. Machet, the King's confessor and old tutor, also 
said, Thibault reports, that he had seen in writing that a Maid 
was to come who should aid the King of France. 

The Doctors asked Jeanne why she, like foreigners at the 
time, spoke of the King as " the Dauphin." She replied that 
she would call him by no other title till he was consecrated at 
Reims. When dining with d'Alencon, Jeanne told the sympathetic 
duke that " she had been much questioned, but she knew and 
could do more than she had confided to the inquirers." The 
King, however, sent her again to Poitiers for a fresh examination. 
To the widow of Regnier de Boullegny she said, in the autumn 
of 1429, that she had told the Doctors, "There is more in the 
books of the Lord than in yours." The Doctors could not deny 
this : as inspiration never ceased, as the wind blew where it 
listed, a layman or a woman might, by God's grace, know more 
than they did of what, in the old Greek phrase, " is written in the 
books of Zeus." 

The danger that Jeanne might come to hold that she knew 
more than the Church knew, and things contrary to the decisions 
of the Church, was alway hanging over her. She had the most 
unwavering certainty that her personal experiences were divinely 
sent. She saw and touched the appearances; she knew that 



the Saints breathed the fragrant odour of sanctity; she heard 
from their lips the words of the will of God. These were matters 
of fact, not of faith. To her the Doctors were pedants, their 
heavenly science was foolishness, as all science is that thinks it 
knows everything. Herein lay her peril. 

The Doctors easily persuaded themselves that there was no 
harm in the male costume of the Maid. Holy women had worn 
it, in cases of necessity. Jeanne's maidenhood was vouched for 
later, at Tours, by a jury of illustrious ladies, including the 
Queen of Sicily, mother-in-law of the Dauphin. 

Emissaries were sent to Domremy to inquire into her previous 
history. Who they were we know not ; that they were mendicant 
friars is a mere conjecture. The evidence for it is the error of 
a modern historian. 

They may have brought back the story that the cocks crowed 
on Twelfth Night, when Jeanne was born ; and that birds fed from 
her lap, and wolves did not harm her flocks ; while enemies spared 
the gear in general : all these things may be true, but none of them 
is miraculous. If they heard of her vision of the battle of the 
Herrings, it did not find its way into any extant contemporary 

As far as the evidence goes, Jeanne was not formally examined 
before the whole Board of Doctors. Thibault says that two of 
them visited her at the house of Rabuteau. Other witnesses, four, 
speak of visits of small parties of the learned; one occurred while 
dAlenc^on was present ; another while Gobert Thibault, the man- 
at-arms whom she clapped on the shoulder, was present. 

We hear of nothing more formal than these visits of small 
parties. Had there been several days of examination by the 
whole Commission, Seguin is likely to have mentioned it. At 
Rouen, before her judges, Jeanne often appealed to the " Book 
of Poitiers," as if it had been a formal record of her replies, 
especially as to her three Saints, in that place. Of this book 
nothing is known ; it was not cited in the Trial of Rehabilitation 
(1450- 1456). As far as our evidence from Poitiers goes, she 


said nothing in detail, to the Commission there, about her 
visions. She had been rather more communicative to her good 
friends, Jean de Novelonpont and Bertrand de Poulengy, who 
were with her at Poitiers. 

It is certain that Jeanne never advertised herself, never 
nourished legends by saying a word about her experiences 
beyond what was strictly necessary. At her trial, she said that 
her two lady Saints were " crowned with fair crowns, richly and 
preciously. Concerning this, I have leave from God to speak. 
If you doubt me, send to Poitiers, where I was examined before." 
Perhaps she revealed these additional facts in her second exami- 
nation at Poitiers, of which d'Alencon speaks. 

If she did, the secret was well kept, and it in no way added 
to the confidence felt by her examiners at Poitiers. Their 
report was to this effect. The King, in the circumstances of 
his poor people, should not reject the Maid, nor ought he lightly 
to believe in her. But, in accordance with Holy Scripture he 
ought to make trial of her in two ways, that is, first by human 
wisdom, examining into her life, character, and intentions ; and, 
secondly, by devout prayer, asking a sign of some divine deed 
or ground of hope, by which he may judge whether she is come 
by the will of God. The case of Gideon's fleece is quoted. 

The Maid's character has been studied ; inquiry has been 
made into her past life, her birth, her intentions ; for six weeks 
she has been examined by clerks, churchmen, men of the sword, 
matrons, and widows. Nothing has been found in her but 
honesty, simplicity, humility, maidenhood, and devotion. Of 
her birth various marvels are reported (the cocks crowing !). 
As for the sign demanded, she says she will give it before Orleans, 
for so God commands her. 

The King, then, ought not to prevent her from going to 
Orleans to show the sign of heavenly succour. She may go 
with the army, under honourable superintendence. 

This permission is devoid of fanatical enthusiasm ; but when 
the Doctors praise the humility of the Maid, they show good 


nature ! Copies of the verdict of the examiners were distributed 
everywhere, to clear the Government from charges of credulity; 
it was issued, apparently, about April 17-20. 

Jeanne was now accepted, and was sent to Tours, while 
arms were prepared for her, and a Household was appointed 
to attend on her. 

Here we may cast a backward glance of wonder at the many 
faceted character of the Maid. The most notable features are her 
perfect faith in her mission and in her revelations, and her constant 
tenacity of purpose. Rebuffs and ridicule could not shake her for 
a moment, though her normal common sense was in perfect 
agreement with the general opinion. An ignorant girl, who could 
not ride or fight, her mission, if deprived of its inspiration, was 
ridiculous. Nobody knew it better than she ; but often she met 
her heavenly visitors, courteous, encouraging, consoling. She 
wept when they departed, she kissed the ground where they had 
stood ; she desired that they should take her with them. She 
was sane, yet she had these ineffable experiences. In them, and 
in her faith in them, was her strength. When withdrawn from 
company she was much in prayer. " To pray, we do not say with 
the lips, but to pray with the whole sincerity of the heart, is to 
win an inexhaustible source of moral strength. This we say 
simply from the point of view of the man of science {le naturaliste)^ 
who only concerns himself with the effects of a fact, and only 
considers truths of observation and experience.'' 

So writes M. Simeon Luce merely as an historian, who 
declines to go beyond his chosen province, and will not discuss 
matters of metaphysics and religion. 

In faith and prayer, ignorant of mystical practices and methods 
of provoking hallucinations, Jeanne did her work. But she was 
no pale ecstatic ; no man is reported to have seen her in other 
than the full force of her normal waking consciousness. We have 
noted her gay disdain of the learned Doctors ; her otherwise 
undeviating distinction of manners ; her frankness ; her skill in 
horsemanship. Her ways were those of a clean honest public 


schoolboy. While in so much she represents the swift glad 
courage of France, in her manner, as when she slapped Thibault 
on the shoulder and replied to Seguin, she was like an English 
boy, and her dress made that aspect of her nature more con- 
spicuous. In her was as much of chivalry as of sanctity. Gay 
and gaily glad, whether in armour or in rich colours and gold 
embroidered doublets ; now riding like a young knight, now leading 
in the deadly breach, Jeanne was not the beguine, or pious prude, 
of her latest French biographer ! Nowhere among visionaries 
is there another like the Maid; "her brothers of Paradise" never 
had such another sister among the Saints on earth. 

There is reason to surmise that the qualified acceptance of 
Jeanne by the Doctors at Poitiers was announced to a gathering 
of the adherents of the Dauphin. According to the Chronique 
de la Pucelle, it was later than her first interview with her Dauphin 
that Jeanne revealed to him, " in the presence of a few of his 
Privy Councillors and his confessor (Machet), something known 
only to God and himself." The Councillors and confessor had to 
take an oath that they would not reveal this secret. After this 
(by a confusion of the sequence of events) she was examined at 
Poitiers. In the Appendix on "The King's Secret " these points 
are examined. On the whole it seems that the secret, with 
Jeanne's knowledge of it, was imparted to the Archbishop of 
Reims, after which the clergy at Poitiers gave their permission 
to employ her at Orleans. It was impossible for them to allude, 
publicly, to the sign given in her knowledge of the secret. 



To the city of Tours, then held by the Queen of Sicily, mother- 
in-law of the Dauphin, the Maid carried a light heart and a happy 
face. Like her St. Catherine, she had overcome the learned men. 
She dwelt with Eleanor, wife of Jean du Puy, herself one of the 
Queen's ladies. The town was rich and loyal, and had aided 
Orleans with supplies of money. 

In Tours, a city well known for its smiths, Jeanne was to have 
a complete suit of "white armour" made, and Jean de Novelon- 
pont and Bertrand de Poulengy were also equipped. Their 
armour, it may be noted, was on the same scale of expense ; that 
of Jeanne, as smaller, cost less, a hundred livres tournois, while 
those of her friends cost a hundred and twenty-five livres. As we 
hear that a horse bought for Jeanne at Vaucouleurs cost, by one 
account twelve, by another, sixteen livres^ we may regard the 
price of an ordinary suit of armour as equivalent to that of six 
good horses. 

The armour included a helmet, which covered the head to its 
junction with the neck, while a shallow cup of steel protected the 
chin, moving on the same hinge as the salade, — a screen of steel 
which in battle was drawn down over the face to meet the chin- 
plate, and, when no danger was apprehended, was turned back, 
leaving the face visible. A neck-piece or gorget of five over- 
lapping steel plates covered the chest as far as the breast-bone, 
where it ended in a point, above the steel corslet, which itself 
apparently was clasped in front, down the centre, ending at the 

waist. The hip joints were guarded by a band, consisting of 



three overlapping plates of steel ; below this, over each thigh, was 
a kind of skirt of steel, open in the centre for freedom in riding. 
There were strong thick shoulder-plates ; yet one of these was 
pierced through and through by an arrow, or crossbow bolt, at 
close quarters, when Jeanne was mounting a scaling ladder in the 
attack on the English fort at the bridge-head of Orleans. The 
steel sleeves had plates with covered hinges to guard the elbows ; 
there were steel gauntlets, thigh-pieces, knee-joints, greaves, and 
steel shoes. The horse, a heavy weight-carrier, had his chamfron 
of steel, and the saddle rose high at the pummel and behind 
the back. A hucque, or cloak of cloth of gold, velvet, or other 
rich material, was worn over the armour. For six days con- 
tinuously Jeanne bore this weight of steel, it is said, probably in 
the campaign of Jargeau and Pathay. Her exploits were wrought, 
and she received her wounds, while she was leading assaults on 
fortified places, standard in hand. 

As to the famous mystic sword of the Maid, we really know 
no more than she told her judges in 1431. "While I was at 
Tours or Chinon, I sent to seek for a sword in the church of St. 
Catherine of Fierbois, behind the altar ; and presently it was found, 
all rusty ." Asked how she knew that the sword was there, she 
said " It was a rusty sword in the earth, with five crosses on it, 
and I knew of it through my Voices. I had never seen the man 
who went to look for it. I wrote to the churchmen of Fierbois, 
and asked them to let me have it, and they sent it. It was not 
deep in the earth ; it was behind the altar, as I think, but I am 
not certain whether it was in front of the altar or behind it. I think 
I wrote that it was behind it. When it was found, the clergy 
rubbed it, and the rust readily fell off. The man who brought it 
was a merchant of Tours who sold armour. The clergy of 
Fierbois gave me a sheath ; the people of Tours gave me two, one 
of red velvet, one of cloth of gold, but I had a strong leather 
sheath made for it." 

The sword must have attracted much attention, as the people 
of Tours gave two splendid sheaths ; but it is not mentioned in any 

Jeanne D'Arc. 

From a Miniature on Parchment {XV Century} in the Collection of 
Monsieur Georges Spetz. 


documents of 1429, except by an Italian news-letter writer and 
the clerk of La Rochelle, who says that the sword was in a 
coffer within the great altar of the church at Fierbois, and the 
people of the church knew nothing about it. Making search, they 
found it in the old coffer that had not been opened for twenty 

At this time, at least before April 22, when the fact was 
recorded in a letter by de Rotselaer, a Flemish diplomatist at 
Lyons, Jeanne told the King that she would be wounded at Orleans 
by an arrow or crossbow bolt, but not mortally. The prediction 
was fulfilled ; it is more singular that it was recorded in writing a 
fortnight before the event. 

Jeanne, by the Dauphin's desire, was to have an ttat y a House- 
hold. Among its members were a confessor, an equerry, and two 
pages. The confessor, Jean Pasquerel, was an Augustinian. If 
she had been so entirely devoted to the Cordeliers, or begging 
friars of the Order of St. Francis, as some historians imagine, it 
seems probable that she would have chosen a Franciscan. 
Pasquerel, in 1456, gave evidence that he had been in villa^Aniciensi, 
the town of Puy en Velay (some historians dispute the identity 
of the town, and place it in Touraine), and had there met the 
mother of the Maid, and some of the men who rode with her from 
Vaucouleurs. They took a fancy to Pasquerel, — they had already 
some acquaintance with him, and insisted on his coming with them 
(with the men, not. with* Jeanne's mother, probably) to Tours. 
Jeanne had heard of Pasquerel before, and confessed to him next 
day. He remained with her till her capture at Compiegne in 
May 1430. 

The villa Aniciensis is usually taken to be Puy en Velay, and 
probably Pasquerel and the Maid's companions (we do not know 
their names) had been at Puy on account of the great religious 
assembly held there when the Annunciation and Good Friday fell 
on the same day, March 25, in 1429. Indulgences were given at 
these seasons ; and so great and excited were the crowds that four 
hundred people had been crushed and suffocated on one occasion. 


while there were thirty victims at a later jubilee. It was matter 
of popular belief that years when the Annunciation and Good 
Friday fell on the same day, were always marked by strange 
events; in 1429 this impression was confirmed. The image of the 
" Black Virgin " at Puy was regarded as the oldest made in France ; 
so Charles VII informed his subjects; while the church was the 
oldest dedicated to Our Lady. This does not agree with the 
tradition that the image was made out of sycamore wood by the 
prophet Jeremiah, and brought from Egypt by St. Louis. If that 
legend were partially true, we might suppose that the crusading 
king had picked up in Egypt an image of Isis and the child 
Osiris, especially as the object at Puy was called the " Black 

It has been suggested that Jeanne's Voices, in May 1428, 
selected mid-Lent, 1429, as the date when Heaven would send aid 
to the Dauphin, because of the pious excitement likely to occur at 
the function on March 25, 1429. Of that we know nothing; nor 
have historians any evidence for the statement that Jeanne sent her 
companions to Puy, though she may have wished them to meet 
her mother there. Isabelle d'Arc had made a pilgrimage of a 
hundred leagues, a proof of her vigour and of her enterprise, for 
we know that robbers assailed pilgrims on this occasion. It is not 
improbable that Jeanne's brothers, Jean and Pierre, accompanied 
their mother to Puy, and thence went on to join the Maid at 
Tours. The brothers rode with her from Blois to Orleans. 
Jacques d'Arc must have changed his mind as to the Maid's 
association with soldiers. 

In addition to Pasquerel and her two pages, Louis de Coutes 
and Raymond, Jeanne had an equerry, Jean d'Aulon, one of the 
best men in the kingdom, according to Dunois. 

This loyal servant was ever by the side of the Maid in her most 
daring actions ; he was captured at last when she was taken ; he 
rose later to high rank, as seneschal of Beaucaire, and he 
lived to testifiy nobly to the character of Jeanne in the Trial of 
Rehabilitation (1456). The only whispers against the independence 


of d'Aulon which have reached us are not of earlier source than 
1908. We are told that d'Aulon "was the most destitute squire in 
the kingdom. He belonged body and soul {appartenait entirement) 
to La Tremoi'lle, who aided him with money; but he had a good 
name for honour and conduct. . . . Jeanne was in the hands of 
dAulon, and d'Aulon was in the hands of La Tremoi'lle, to whom 
he owed money." 

Any inquirer who cares to satisfy himself that these statements 
are absolutely without support, may consult the note on this pass- 
age at the end of the book. 

Jean de Novelonpont at this time was the Maid's treasurer ; to 
him money for her use was paid. Minute inquiry has ascertained 
that, before he became acquainted with the Maid, Jean was once 
fined a few sous for swearing profanely ! The Maid attempted to 
put down this practice. She could not enforce discipline except 
by aid of religion. Hers was to be a holy war. Like other com- 
manders of companies, she had her standard ; St. Margaret and 
St. Catherine bade her take a standard, and bear it valiantly, and 
thereon was to be painted the King of Heaven. She told the 
Dauphin about this command very reluctantly, and she did not know 
its mystic signification. " The world was painted on it " (doubtless 
the globe in the hand of Our Lord) ; there was an angel at each 
side ; the stuff was white linen seme' with fours de lys ; and the motto 
was JESUS Maria. The angels were represented not as her 
guardians, but for the glory of God. The Maid always bore her 
standard when in action, that she might strike no man with the 
sword ; she never slew any man. The personal blazon of the Maid 
was a shield azure with a white dove, bearing in its beak a scroll 
whereon was written, De par le Roy du ciel. 

What is meant when we speak of Jeanne's " company," her gens, 
must be explained. At Orleans she had only the three or four 
lances of her Household, with any free lances and citizens who 
chose to fight under her standard. At Orleans she held no 
official command. 

Thus equipped, and in the society of good men and true, like 


d'Aulon, Jean de Novelonpont, Bertrand de Poulengy, and de 
Gaucourt, and with the less trustworthy Regnault de Chartres, 
Chancellor and Archbishop of Reims, the Maid rode to Blois. 
Hither had come, with men and supplies, the Marshal de Rais 
(later justly or unjustly executed for unspeakable crimes), the 
Marshal de Boussac ; de Culen, Admiral of France ; the brave 
La Hire, redeeming the promise given when he left Orleans, and 
Ambroise de Lore\ 

It is impossible to ascertain the numbers of the relieving army, 
but an approximate calculation can be made, probably the force 
was under 4000 men. (See Notes.) 

But Dunois bears witness that, in these days, before the coming 
of the Maid, two hundred Englishmen would drive in flight eight 
hundred or a thousand of the French, so French numbers mattered 
little. Moreover, when Jeanne arrived with the army and convoy 
at a place above Orleans on the farther bank, Dunois and the other 
captains did not think the force adequate to resist an English 
attack. The English prestige was infinitely greater than their 
behaviour during the siege appears to justify. Still Dunois and the 
rest knew their men, and certainly had no high opinion of their 
chances of success. The five or six new English forts, built in 
April, were imposing in appearance, and no effort to capture any 
one of them had been made. The Hurrah! was confessedly 
" great and terrible " ; the French were subject to panic. The moral 
advantage on the English side was incalculable, and the very truth 
is that the Maid instantly transferred the moral advantage to her 
own side. The soldiers of Wellington and Napoleon considered the 
presence of these generals to be worth many thousand men, and 
the same value was set on the Maid. As we do not know that the 
Dauphin would have made any new effort after Rouvray to collect 
forces and money to relieve Orleans but for the prayer of the 
Maid, "instantly demanding," says Dunois, "men, horses, and 
arms," it is no idle legend that salutes her as the Deliverer of the 

One obstacle to an earlier attempt to relieve Orleans, after the 


defeat of February 12, had been the lack of money. In September 
1428, when Orleans was first threatened, an assembly of the Estates 
of Languedoc and Languedoil had voted supplies to the extent of 
500,000 francs. The Dauphin was reduced to an expedient very 
familiar to the kings of Scotland. He pawned his jewels ! In 
July 1424 there were but two fleurons left on his crown. In 
October 1428, La Tremo'ille advanced money to redeem from 
pawn the gold ornaments of the Royal helmet. Charles gave things 
away as freely as James VI used to do, when he had got a sum to- 
gether by pledging his diamonds and pearls. The chief recipient of 
money was La Tremo'ille, who also lent money to the Dauphin, 
and probably gained on both sides. At Blois the army and the 
great convoy of cattle and grain was at a standstill for want of 
money. The Due dAlencon went to seek it from the King, and, 
somehow, the King got and parted with sufficient coin. 

Meanwhile a pious regiment of priests had come in, many of 
them, no doubt, in need of a morsel of bread from the rations. 
We learn from Jeanne's confessor, Pasquerel, that she had a 
banner (not a standard) painted with Our Lord crucified, under 
which, twice a day, she assembled all the priests that were with 
the army. They sang hymns, and no man-at-arms might join in 
unless he was clean confessed. Thus some measure of discipline * 
and decent behaviour was introduced by the Maid. 

" Had they died on that day they had won the skies, 
And the Maiden had marched them through paradise ! " 

When they left Blois, the clergy went in advance, singing 
Vent creator spiritus. On April 28 this strange force, with a 
convoy of cattle, arrived opposite Orleans by the south bank 
of the Loire, the bank farther from Orleans. The Maid had 
suffered much pain from the weight of the armour which she 
proved for the first time, says her page, de Coutes, and when 
she came at last in sight of the few remaining spires and the 
battered walls and towers of Orleans, she was not in the most 
propitious of tempers. 


Dunois, commanding in Orleans, bore the brunt of her indigna- 
tion : happily he was young, courteous, and knew that a soft 
answer turns away wrath. 

The army had halted at the river harbour, Bouchet, on their 
own side of the stream, and the leaders must have been in some 
perplexity. Their plan had been to march up the south bank 
of Loire for the purpose of avoiding both the English garrisons 
that commanded the bridges of Meun and Beaugency, and also 
the main force of Talbot at St. Laurent and in the other forts 
on the Orleans side. They would transport the cattle and stores 
in boats provided by the townsfolk — up-stream — a distance of some 
five miles, to Ch6cy, a village between Jargeau, which the English 
held, and the east gate of Orleans. Thence they would bring 
the convoy to the east or Burgundian gate of Orleans unopposed 
except by the English fort of St. Loup. This was not difficult, 
for the garrison and townsfolk of Orleans were much more than 
strong enough to march out of the Burgundy gate and contain 
the garrison of St. Loup. 

This has the air of being a well-combined plan ; but, as it 
chanced, the wind was blowing hard down-stream, and the sailing- 
boats, or shallops, used in river traffic, could not ascend the 
stream to Checy, and the army and convoy seemed open to 
attack by Suffolk and Talbot, who could cross the river safely 
under the guns of the fort in the isle of Charlemagne, and of the 
Tourelles and fort St. Augustine. 

It was in these critical circumstances that Dunois crossed by 
boat and approached the Maid. 

Said she, using the title which Dunois then bore, " Are you the 
Bastard of Orleans ? " 

" I am, and right glad of your coming." 

"Was it you who gave counsel to come by this bank of 
the river, so that I cannot go straight against Talbot and the 

" I, and others wiser than I, gave that counsel, and I think it 
the wiser way and the safer." 












" ^ 


S -3 

o ft 


' In God's name, the counsel of Our Lord is wiser and safer 
than yours. You think to deceive me, and you deceive yourself, 
for I bring you better rescue than ever came to knight or city, 
the succour of the King of Heaven. . . ." 

There has been much discussion as to the deceit practised on 
the Maid, and as to her own motives for wishing to march straight 
past the English of Beaugency and Meun, and under the forts of 
the main English force around Orleans. The facts are really 
simple. The leaders were taking Jeanne "against the English." 
She had seen them in the Tourelles, the outwork, and the 
Augustine fort. Even if they understood that she desired to 
march past Talbot's main force, they had preferred their own 
tactics, though these were now seen to be perilous. 

But to understand the motives of Jeanne, we need not try to 
imagine " what a saint would have thought in the circumstances." 
It is not true, as has been alleged, that "she had said to the 
Doctors at Poitiers, 'The siege will be raised, and the city de- 
livered from its enemies, after I have summoned the English in 
the name of the King of Heaven.' " In the two Chronicles which 
are cited in support of this statement I find not a word to that 

Jeanne made no promise that the English would depart as 
soon as she had summoned them. There is no reason to suppose 
that she "perhaps expected Talbot to fall on his knees before 
her and obey, not her, but Him who sent her." 

She wished to summon the English before fighting them, 
precisely as Salisbury had summoned the people of Orleans to 
surrender at a moment when he had not the faintest chance of 
taking their town. It was a formula ; an expression of desire to 
avoid the shedding of Christian blood. Moreover, Jeanne had 
a special motive ; she was entirely confident of victory ; and, 
as it were, did not wish " to bet on a certainty." Again, she 
knew, if the French leaders did not, from the conduct of the 
English that they would not leave their forts to attack a large 
force passing out of range of their guns. They had allowed 


small armed companies to come and go without opposition, or 
with slight opposition, for they were weakened by many deser- 
tions, and were only holding on in hopes of the reinforcements 
demanded, a month ago, by Bedford, and daily expected under 
the leadership of Fastolf. 

Jeanne understood, if Dunois did not, that the English were 
weak and demoralised. A week later, a feebler force than hers 
entered Orleans on the north side of the river. Her own plan 
of entry, by the front door, would encourage the people of 
Orleans much more potently than the entrance by the back 
door, and by water, which was now seen to be very perilous. 
Jeanne was practical in her tactics, she was not a dreamy 

As Jeanne was saying to Dunois, " I bring you better rescue 
than ever came to knight or town, the succour of the King of 
Heaven," " in a moment the wind, which was contrary and strong, 
shifted," says Dunois himself, " and became favourable ; the sails 
filled," and, with Nicolas de Giresme, later Prior of the Knights of 
Rhodes, he " crossed, with no good will of the English, to St. Loup." 
Apparently he returned, or perhaps it was before he set sail that 
he implored Jeanne to cross with him, " and enter Orleans, where 
they longed for her sorely." Jeanne made a difficulty ; she could 
not leave the army, which had to return to Blois to bring another 
convoy. Without her they might fall into sin, lose their discipline, 
as we say, in fact she was afraid that they would not return, — a fear 
rather practical than saintly. Dunois then implored the leaders 
to be content without Jeanne, to let her come into Orleans and 
save a dangerous disappointment of the populace. The captains 
agreed, promising to return ; and Jeanne, sending Pasquerel and the 
other priests to chaperon her moral army on its march to Blois, 
crossed the Loire with Dunois, who was strangely impressed by 
the turn of the wind. He took that to be her promised "succour 
from the King of Heaven," for delay was dangerous. Talbot 
might do what he ought to have done, cross with a force from 
St. Laurent and fall on the confused army and convoy of France. 


In any case, Jeanne crossed with a force of two hundred lances. 
The wind was so favourable now that each vessel towed two 
others, "a marvellous thing, a miracle of God," says another 

At Orleans the recent occurrences had been these : 

On April 27 the English had seized a convoy from Blois ; they 
were therefore expected to make a united attempt on that which 
was accompanied by Jeanne. 

On April 28, d'llliers had been opposed at his entry with four 
hundred men. 

On April 29, the day of Jeanne's arrival into the town, fifty foot 
soldiers came in from French garrisons without opposition, so tame 
were the English ; and the French made a fairly resolute attack on 
St. Loup (the English fort which commanded her landing-place, 
about a league above Orleans), and took a standard. Meanwhile 
Jeanne, after reaching the northern bank at Checy, on April 28, had 
passed the night at Reuilly, the house of Guy de Cailly, resting 
before her entry into Orleans town on April 29. 

Concerning Jeanne's host there is a singular story. It is an 
extraordinary thing, considering the ferment of men's minds, that 
nobody is reported to have shared any of her visions. Now, 
" collective hallucinations " are a fact in human nature ; there is 
irrefragable evidence to one case in the works of Patrick Walker, 
who saw a multitude convinced that they beheld swords falling 
from heaven. Though Patrick was an enthusiastically fanatical 
Covenanter, he could see nothing of the sort ; while a blaspheming 
cavalier laird, after cursing the folly of the crowd, did see the 
marvel. The Knock phantasms, in Ireland, are another historical 
case of collective hallucinations. Yet legend has not averred that 
Jeanne's visions were shared by any person. The only exception 
is in the case of her host at Reuilly, Guy de Cailly. A dubious 
grant of arms to him makes Charles VII declare that, as the Maid 
herself informed him, he shared her vision of "three superior 

He is granted " a blazon of azure and argent with three heads 


of Cherubim, or and gules." The date of the grant is " at Sully, 
June 1429," just before the march to Reims. The higher criticism 
regards with much suspicion a document of which we have only a 
copy made in the sixteenth century. 

At Reuilly, Jeanne passed the following day (April 29). It was 
decided that she should enter under cloud of night, to avoid the 
press of people. Multitudes had gone out to meet her, as, attended 
by troops of torch-bearers, and riding, magnificently mounted, at 
the right hand of Dunois, she slowly advanced through a people 
"making such joy as if they saw God descend among them; and 
not without reason, for they had suffered sorely, and what is worse, 
had little hope of succour, but feared to lose their lives and goods. 
But now they were comforted as if the siege were already raised, 
thanks to the divine virtue which dwelt, as they had been told, in 
the simple Maid. Lovingly they gazed on her, men, women, and 
little children. And there was marvellous pressing to touch her as 
she rode, so much that a torch-bearer came so near her standard 
that it caught fire. Then she struck the spurs into her horse, and 
lightly she turned him on the standard, and crushed out the flame, 
as one might do that had long followed the wars." 

So they led her rejoicing to the church of the Holy Rood, 
where she gave thanks to God, and then to the house of Jacquet 
Boucher, treasurer of the Due d'Orleans, at the Regnart gate, 
nearest to the great English fort of St. Laurent. Here she and her 
brothers and Jean de Novelonpont and Bertrand de Poulengy 
were made right welcome, but " boarded out." 

She had come at last, she had given a sign, the wind had 
changed at her word ! Henceforth she wrought military signs and 
wonders in the eyes of French and English. 

She shared that night a bed with Charlotte, a little girl of 
nine, the daughter of her host ; such bed-fellowship was usual ; the 
Dauphin slept with a gentleman of his bedchamber, de Boisy. 
The child lived to give evidence as to the Maid's " simplicity, 
humility, and chastity," and her habit of confessing and receiving 
the Holy Communion before going into battle. Jeanne frequently 


consoled her hostess with the assurance that the siege would 
certainly be raised. 

The day after the morrow began her allotted year with the 
month of May, the month of her triumph, the month of her 
capture, the month of her " deliverance with great victory " of 



THE arrival of Jeanne in Orleans on the evening of April 29 was 
not the occasion of fiercer fighting, but of a pause in hostilities. 
She herself, and the circumstances of the case, brought not a 
sword, but peace, for three or four days. She would not take part 
in the war till she had summoned the English to depart in peace. 
Moreover, the main part of the relieving army, all but the Maid's 
two hundred lances, had at once begun to retrace their way to 
Blois, to bring back another convoy of cattle and supplies of grain. 
Dunois had remained in Orleans, but he felt that his presence in 
Blois was necessary. There were suspicions that the Council of 
the Dauphin would think that enough had been done, and would 
hesitate to place so large a force within Orleans, crowded with 
fugitives from the surrounding country, and still inadequately 
provisioned. The Council was always, and not unjustly, sus- 
pected of indolence and faintness of heart. Dunois was therefore 
determined to go and use his influence. 

Jeanne herself was reluctant to wait for the forces at Blois, and, 
says Dunois, would scarcely give her assent to his departure. She 
wished to summon the English to depart in peace ; and she did so, 
on April 30, while Dunois was still by her side. Her letter to the 
English is dated on "Tuesday in Holy Week," March 22, 1429. 
She had dictated it before she was accepted by the Commission at 
Poitiers, but it was not delivered to the English by her heralds 
till April 30. (On the blunders about the herald, see notes.) 
Headed " Jhesus Maria," the letter speaks to the King of England, 


de la Pole (Suffolk), Talbot, and Scales, bidding them restore to 

the Maid, sent by God, the keys of the good French towns which 

they occupy and despoil. She is ready to offer peace, if they 

will do her right. She also addresses the English men-at-arms, 

gentle and simple, bidding them depart from Orleans at their 

instant peril. " She says, " I am chef de guerre" which does not 

mean " commander-in-chief." She will drive them out of France, 

if they disobey ; if they obey, she will be merciful. Charles, not 

they, will hold the realm. Charles is true heir ; God wills it, and 

the Maid reveals it to him. He will enter Paris in good company. 

(She does not say that she will.) If they resist, we French "ferons 

ung si grant hahay n ; not a diplomatic phrase! If they do right 

to the Maid, they *' may come with her where the French will 

do the greatest deed that ever was wrought for Christendom ' 

(a Crusade). 

This letter was carried to the English commanders by two 
heralds, Guienne and Ambleville. The English, who probably 
laughed over the epistle, sent back Ambleville, but kept Guienne, 
intending to burn him. " The Maid told Ambleville to return 
boldly to the English, they would not harm him, he would bring 
back his comrade safely ; as he did." So a citizen of Orleans 
declared ; but the chronicle written by another herald, Berri (who 
was likely to be interested in the unlucky herald, Guienne), says 
that the English actually erected the stake for Guienne's burning ; 
but meanwhile they consulted the University of Paris about this 
monstrous breach of the law of nations — a herald being sacrosanct. 
Before they received a reply they were driven from Orleans, and 
left Guienne behind them in irons. 

Though the Maid took no part in battle on April 30, La Hire 
and Florent dTlliers, with a force of men-at-arms and some 
citizens, and with standards displayed, attacked an English out- 
post between their fort of Paris and the city wall, and drove the 
men into the main work. A cry went through the town that every 
man should bring faggots and fire the English works ; but nothing 
was] done, Jbecause the English uttered their dreadful Hurrah\! 


and stood to their arms. An artillery duel did as much or as little 
execution as usual. 

It was in the evening that the Maid summoned Glasdale and 
the garrison of the Tourelles to depart in peace. They shouted 
back across the river, called her " milkmaid," and promised to 
burn her if they could catch her. This was her second summons ; 
she had yet to make her third and last. (For a strange modern 
legend of the events of April 30, see note on the passage.) 

On Sunday, May 1, Dunois, with a sufficient escort, and with 
Jeanne's equerry, d'Aulon, rode forth on the way to Blois, giving a 
wide berth to the great English fort called Paris, north of the town, 
on the Paris road. Before leaving Orleans, Dunois wrote a receipt 
for six hundred livres tournois^ lent to him by the people of the 
town. The money was pay for the garrison and the captains to 
" serve till the army that came with the Maid, and was gone back 
to Blois, returns to this city, to raise the siege." Dunois, at least, 
was not content to have merely provisioned the town, but it was 
feared that the King's advisers would take no steps to drive 
away the English. Jeanne knew of Dunois' departure, and, with 
La Hire and others, says d'Aulon, covered the movement by a 
demonstration of cavalry in the fields. 

On the same Sunday, Jeanne rode through the city accompanied 
by knights and squires, because the people were so eager to see 
her that the crowd almost broke in the door of her house. " The 
folk could not have enough of the sight of her," and they marvelled 
at her graceful horsemanship. It was no moment for fighting, as 
most of the leaders were absent, and as the relieving army was 
far away. 

On Monday, May 2, she rode out with a great multitude 
following her, and reconnoitred the English positions unopposed. 

Of May 3 nothing is recorded, except that the garrisons of 
Montargis, Chateau-Regnard, and Gien came in, and news was 
brought of the approach of the army and convoy from Blois. 
The army was coming by Jeanne's route, on the Orleans side of 
the river ; but some writers think that the convoy and its guard 


approached by the other side, as on April 28. Jeanne rode out at 
dawn with some five hundred combatants, under La Hire, to meet 
the advancing host, which was unopposed. 

Either Talbot, de la Pole, and the other English captains knew 
that their men were demoralised and terrified by the slim armed 
figure that with a clear girlish voice bade them begone, or they 
saw themselves hopelessly outnumbered. They could insult 
■Jeanne in the most ribald terms, but they would not stir from their 
forts ; and Pasquerel led the van, the company of chanting priests, 
as safely as if he had been reading the lessons in his monastery 
at Tours. The route which Jeanne had preferred was at least as 
little exposed to English attack as the other. This is all the 
more certain if only part of the Blois force went by the Beauce 
route ; the part being weaker than the whole. 

The mode of entering Orleans from Blois on the north bank of 
the Loire was to skirt the forest at the back of the city ; the only 
strong fort which the army passed was that called Paris. From 
the fort so styled to that of St. Loup, was a great gap in the 
investing lines, though some suppose that it was covered by a 
work hidden within the forest. Remains of such a work exist, but 
it is so remote that it cannot have been an English hold. 

The entry into Orleans was effected before dinner, probably 
before noon. After the Maid and dAulon had dined together, 
Dunois entered. He had news : Fastolf, who defeated the Scots 
and French at Rouvray, was approaching from Paris, and was 
already at Janville, a day's march distant, with reinforcements and 
supplies for the English. The Maid seemed very glad to hear this 
intelligence. " In God's name, Bastard, I command you to let me 
know as soon as you hear of Fastolf s arrival. If he passes without 
my knowledge, I — will have your head ! " 

" For that fear not," said the gentle Dunois, " for I shall let you 
have the news as soon as it arrives." Dunois then took his leave. 

Then the Maid, who was weary from her ride, lay down beside 
her hostess on a bed, while d'Aulon, who confesses to having been 
fatigued, also lay down on a sofa, or couchette^ in the same room. 


Neither he nor the Maid knew that an attack was being organised 
against St. Loup, an English fort far outside the remotest gate of 
Orleans. The purpose, some think, was to contain the English 
garrison in St. Loup, and prevent them from disturbing the arrival 
of the grain sent by water from Blois. 

The Maid had not been informed of this attack, but, says 
d'Aulon, " she leaped from her sleep with great noise," awakening 
him. " In God's name," she cried, " my Council has told me that 
I must go against the English ; but I know not whether against their 
forts, or against Fastolf, who is bringing them supplies." As we 
shall see, her Voices sometimes woke her, and, in the moment of 
waking she but partially heard, or but partially understood them. 
In this case, at all events, they told her what she did not know, 
that there was fighting to be done. DAulon leaped up and began 
to harness the Maid in her armour as quickly as he might. While 
putting on her harness he heard voices in the street crying loudly 
that the English were doing great execution on the French. He 
armed the Maid, and was buckling his own harness on, when she 
left the room unnoticed by him. 

Here her page, Louis de Coutes, takes up the tale. He says 
that Jeanne ran downstairs and cried to him, " Ha ! sanglant 
garqon, you will not tell me when the blood of France is being 
spilt ? Bring my horse." When de Coutes returned, Jeanne bade 
him bring her banner, which he handed to her through a window 
of the upper room. She galloped straight through the town in 
the direction of the remotest gate, where the noise was loudest, 
the sparks flying from the stones beneath her horse's shoes as 
she rode, say eye-witnesses. 

D'Aulon followed and overtook her ; de Coutes also followed. 
In the gateway they met citizens bearing a sorely wounded man. 
" I never see French blood spilt but my hair rises for horror," said 
the Maid. They galloped through the gateway and found, says 
d'Aulon, a greater concourse of their party than he had ever seen 
together. Clearly the attack on St. Loup was no mere diversion, 
as has been supposed, but was seriously meant. 


They reached the fort; Jeanne is said to have forbidden 
plundering of the church property, left behind when the church 
was partially destroyed ; the French raised a shout on her arrival, 
and the fort was taken. The losses of the assailants were small ; of 
the English, some hundred and fifty, none escaped death or 
capture; some were taken who had put on priestly vestments 
which they found in the steeple of the church of St. Loup. Jeanne 
preserved their lives : " We must take nothing from churchmen," 
she said, helping mercy by mirth, for the prisoners were " hooded " 
but not " monks." 

Talbot meanwhile had collected a force out of his holds and 
was moving to the rescue by a long circuitous route ; but he now 
saw that all was over. A troop of six hundred rode out of Orleans 
to meet him, and he withdrew. Jeanne wept for the slain, who 
had died without the rites of the Church, and, later, confessed 
herself to Pasquerel. 

Returning victorious, after burning the woodwork of St. Loup, 
the Maid, according to Pasquerel her confessor, said that the siege 
would be raised within five days, but that she would not fight 
next day, as it was the Feast of the Ascension. She gave orders 
that none on that day should fight till he had confessed, and 
that they should not permit women of ill fame to accompany 
them. Though there was no fighting, Jeanne again summoned 
the English to withdraw. She went to the end of the intact part 
of the bridge, where the people of Orleans had erected a fort, and 
called across the water to the English in the Tourelles, telling them 
that it was God's will that they should go. They mocked her, 
and she determined to pay them a visit. Her confessor says 
that she dictated a letter, in the usual terms, ending, "This is 
the third and last time that I write to you. I would have sent 
my letter in more honourable fashion " (the note was attached to 
an arrow, and shot across from the bridge fort of Orleans), " but 
you keep my herald, Guienne. Return him, and I will return 
the prisoners taken at St. Loup." 

The English picked up the arrow with the note bound to it, 


and shouted, " News from the harlot of the Armagnacs ! " Hearing 
this insult Jeanne wept, calling the King of Heaven to her aid. 
But she was comforted and dried her tears, " because, as she said, 
she had tidings from her Lord." She then bade Pasquerel call her 
early next day, she would confess at dawn. 

Though there was no fighting on the day of the Ascension 
(May 5), a council of war was held at the house of the Chancellor 
of Orleans, Cousinot. Among the leaders present was Sir Hugh 
Kennedy, called in Scotland, " Hugh come with the penny." It 
was decided to take huge wooden shields and wooden shelters, next 
day, and assault the English forts on the Orleans side of the river, 
especially the great Fort St. Laurent This movement would 
bring across the English on the farther shore to aid their 
comrades on the Orleans side of the water. This, however, was 
to be a mere feint ; as soon as the English from the farther side 
had crossed, the French tacticians would attack the remnant left 
on guard at St. Jean le Blanc, the Augustins, and the boulevard 
or outwork of the bridge-head fort, the Tourelles. Ambroise 
Lore was then sent by the nobles to bring the Maid, who, lest 
she should reveal the secret of the feint, was only told that they 
meant to attack St. Laurent, the great fort close to Jeanne's house, 
on the Orleans side of the Loire. The Chancellor, Cousinot, 
himself gave her the misleading information. 

" Tell me what you have really decided/' said Jeanne, " I will 
keep a greater secret than that." She walked up and down the 
room, refusing to be seated. 

" Be not angry, Jeanne," said Dunois, " we cannot tell you 
everything at once. What the Chancellor has told you is what 
we have decided on, but — ," and then he explained the feint, 
and the true point of attack. Then she was content ; but next 
day the feint on St. Laurent was not made. 

Dunois and the tacticians had apparently intended the towns- 
folk of Orleans to sally forth against St. Laurent with the Maid's 
standard flying, and under cover of the guns of the city wall 
and towers. The English would also sally out of their fort, 


would give a hurrah ; the burgesses would retreat to the protection 
of their artillery, and the English would not pursue them home. 

This would have been the usual escarmouche grand et terrible. 
Three or four unlucky combatants might be hit by a splinter of 
a stone cannon-ball, or by a crossbow bolt. One or two, in 
running away, might fall into a well, and be killed by the enemy, 
as happened now and again. " Very great loss " (in one of these 
skirmishes) was the loss of nine prisoners by the English. 

During this diversion the more regular forces, under the knights, 
would be attacking the forts beyond the river. But Jeanne had no 
desire to lead townsfolk who would not press an attack home : she 
was the most tenacious of leaders ; she never gave way (unless she 
were carried off, wounded, at nightfall) till she had won the position 
she attacked. The townsfolk, again, desired to fight under her 
standard. Therefore the leaders could not carry out their tactics ; 
next day no feint was attempted. 

The leaders, it is true, according to one witness, meant to execute 
their plan. They stationed men-at-arms at the Burgundy gate, the 
gate most remote from the Regnart gate (which was nearest St. 
Laurent), and was adjacent to the port from which the knights 
meant to cross the river. De Gaucourt commanded these men-at- 
arms, and tried to check the outrush of the townsfolk, who were 
following the standard of the Maid. He found that his life was in 
danger. Jeanne said to him, " You are an evil man ! Whether 
with or without your leave, the men-at-arms will come, and will be 
victorious as before." 1 

Thus the feint was omitted, though there is no reason to 
suspect Jeanne of having betrayed the military secret. She was 
going to take part in the genuine attack, her way was by the 
Burgundy gate, and the multitude followed her standard. Prob- 
ably they also knew the secret, though not through Jeanne. 
Burgesses had been at the council of war, we are informed, and 

1 The scene is now placed by M. Wallon and M. Lefevre-Pontalis not on May 6, 
but on May 7, on the morning of the decisive victory. I am not able to acquiesce ; 
see the next chapter. 


naturally burgesses would tell their wives the secret, — in the 
strictest confidence, — so the townsfolk were determined to be in 
the serious fighting. If Jeanne led them, which is not certain, 
they did not do her much credit on this occasion. 

The mode of crossing was from the water gate, the Tour 
Neuve, to the He des Toiles, from which a bridge of two boats 
enabled them to step on to the farther bank, under the guns of 
the English fort of St. Jean le Blanc. But the English commander 
in the bridge-head fort, the Tourelles, bade his men evacuate St. 
Jean le Blanc as soon as he perceived that the French were 
launching their boats ; and he concentrated his forces in the work 
raised on the ruins of the Augustinian monastery (Les Augustins). 
The Augustin fort protected the boulevard or outwork of the 
Tourelles on the bridge-head, and the Tourelles could not be 
attacked till the Augustins was won. 

We have a contemporary chronicle which avers that the Maid, 
while most of the French attacking force was delayed in the He 
des Toiles, rushed with a small company, probably of townsfolk, 
to the Augustins, and planted her standard at the palisade. But 
a cry arose that the English from Fort St. Prive (directly opposite 
Fort St. Laurent) were coming up, whereon the enthusiasts with 
the Maid fled helter-skelter back to the island, doubtless throwing 
the force which was crossing from the island by the boat bridge 
into utter confusion. If this be true, the emotions of the disap- 
pointed French tacticians may be imagined : the townsfolk, as 
they expected, had ruined their plan. The Maid retired slowly, 
covering the retreat of her fugitives, while the English rushed out, 
showering arrows and insults on " the Milkmaid of the Armagnacs." 

" Suddenly she turned at bay, and, few as were the men with 
her, she faced the English, and advanced on them swiftly, with 
standard displayed. Then fled the English shamefully, and the 
beaten French came back and chased them into their works. The 
Maid planted her standard under the fort of the Augustins, in 
the moat, and then came up the Marshal de Rais, while the 
French arrived in great numbers," and the fort was taken. 


All this is undeniably dramatic ; but another account, not less 
dramatic, and more trustworthy, is given by Jeanne's equerry, 
d'Aulon, who himself was in the front of the battle. The first 
of the French who landed on the bank of the river — foot soldiers 
apparently, without Jeanne, who had to bring her horse across the 
bridge of boats — found St. Jean le Blanc undefended, marched on 
to Les Augustins, saw that they could do nothing there, and were 
returning to the island ingloriously. At this moment the Maid 
and La Hire brought their horses across by boat, and mounted, 
lance in hand. Seeing the English rushing out of the Augustins 
to fall on the townsfolk in the disorder of struggling for footing on 
the bridge of boats, they laid their lances in rest, charged the 
English, and drove them back into their fortress. The French 
who now came up were being arrayed by d'Aulon and others, 
among them was a gallant Spaniard, Alphonzo de Partada; when 
a brave man of their company broke the line and was rushing 
forward. D'Aulon bade him keep his place in front of the column ; 
the man said that he would do as he pleased. Alphonzo answered 
that as brave men as he were obeying orders. The other replied 
with a sneer ; Alphonzo retorted. Both men, to prove their valour, 
caught each other by the hand, rushed forward at their best speed, 
and reached the palisade. In the narrow entry, disdaining to 
close the gate, stood a gigantic Englishman, defending the strait 
with such sword blows that the assailants could not pass. D'Aulon 
caught sight of that famous marksman, Maitre Jean of the handgun, 
and bade him aim at the Englishman. At Jean's first shot the 
champion fell dead. Alphonzo and his rival then rushed in ; other 
Frenchmen followed, the work was assailed on every side, sword 
and axe were plied, and — the English did not forestall the feat of 
Hougoumont. The defenders were slain or taken, except some 
who fled into the boulevard or outwork of the Tourelles. As for 
Jeanne, another eye-witness saw her in the thick of the fight, and 
heard her cry, " In God's name, forward, forward boldly." 

The nobles who came up and helped to check the flight of the 
French, and retrieve the day, were de Gaucourt himself, and 


Archambaud de Villars, captain of Montargis and seneschal of 
Beaucaire, a post to which d'Aulon later succeeded. Dunois seems 
to have been on guard in Orleans. Many of the troops bivouacked 
on the scene of their victory, holding the Augustins in case 
the English should attempt to recover it by a night assault. 
Wine and food were brought in boats from Orleans to the 
occupants of the taken fort. D'Aulon and another witness say 
that Jeanne remained with them, but seem to confuse her wish to 
do so with what she actually did. 

The Maid was weary, and went home ; she had been wounded 
in the foot by a chausse-trape (calthrop). Though the day was 
Friday, when she was wont to fast, she felt it necessary to take 
supper. She was anxiously afraid lest the English should make 
a night attack on the forces left at the farther side of the river, on 
the weary revellers. This they certainly ought to have done, and 
she understood war well enough to know it. Being anxious, she 
was early astir on the morning of May 7. " Rise with the dawn 
to-morrow, and you will do even better than to-day," she said to 
her people. " Keep close by me ; because to-morrow I will have 
much to do, more than ever I had, and blood will flow from my 
body, above my breast." 

So says Pasquerel, who was present. We know that the Maid 
had before April 22 predicted her wound by an arrow, and that it 
would not be mortal, for the prophecy was recorded on April 22. 
Pasquerel, of course, may have been under an error of memory 
when he makes her, on May 6, name the day and place of the 
wound. On July 9, 1429, a letter from Bruges reports that Jeanne 
predicted her wound, and that it would not be dangerous, to the 
leaders on the day when it really occurred, May 7. An Orleans 
lawyer gave evidence that the Maid predicted the capture of the 
Tourelles, her return by the bridge, though several arches were 
broken down, and her wound under the Tourelles. Hurt in the 
foot, weary, and feverish, she must have slept ill that night : next 
day's dawn brought her crowning victory. 



The tactics of the English after Jeanne's arrival in Orleans are 
unintelligible. They were expecting, as has been seen, a re- 
inforcement from Paris, led by the resolute Fastolf, the victor 
of Rouvray, and may have meant to risk nothing before his 
arrival. Meanwhile they had lost, with the fall of St. Loup, 
their command of the upper Loire. On May 6 they lost, with 
the Augustins and St. Jean le Blanc, their command of the 
French ferry from Orleans to the farther bank. Though the 
English possessed a perfectly safe means of crossing, lower down 
the stream, from their headquarters in the fort of St. Laurent to 
their fort on the Isle Charlemagne, whence they could land under 
the protection of Fort St. Prive\ they did not, on May 6, send a 
man to reinforce the Tourelles, the boulevard, and the Augustins. 
Yet they must have seen that the French attack on the Augustins 
was no diversion, no feint to cover a return across the stream 
and a real assault on St. Laurent. 

About the numbers engaged on both sides, on May 6, we 
have no valid knowledge. A contemporary German estimate of 
the army of relief, at 3000 men, confirmed by the Chronique de 
Tournai, is most probably near the truth. To these must be added 
the garrison of Orleans and the town militia. 

The estimates of the whole English effective vary from 10,000 

without the Burgundians, who had withdrawn (Jollois), to from 

5000 to 3500 in round numbers (Molandon and Beaucorps, also 

Jarry). The former authors, "in the absence of more precise 

and harmonious documents than we possess, hold that we must 



suppose the English to have had an effective force equivalent to 
the desired result, and the extent and population of Orleans." 

The last proposition may be doubted, especially when we 
remember Bedford's complaint at the end of March, that many 
had deserted, and his demand for some fifteen hundred lancers 
and archers from England. The English, contrary to Bedford's 
judgment, had risked their enterprise on their prestige, on the 
helpless distracted Council of the Dauphin, and on the luck of 
the English army. The Maid had steeled the Council for an 
hour ; had restored the confidence of the French fighting men ; 
had. been nobly backed by Dunois, La Hire, de Rais, de Gaucourt, 
an,d the townsfolk ; had turned the luck, and, it is probable, had 
terrified and demoralised the rank and file of Talbot and Suffolk, 
who dared not face " the witch," the Milkmaid of the Armagnacs. 
A panic was possible. It may seem astonishing to us that the 
English generals, with a secure crossing over the river, did not 
make a night attack on the wearied French who were bivouacking 
at the Augustins, in the darkness between sunset of May 6 and 
the dawn of May 7. The fear that they might do so, as we saw, 
caused the greatest anxiety to the Maid, who may have been no 
strategist, but who possessed abundant common sense. 

We hear of no night attacks during the whole siege, though 
they were commonly practised by Bruce and Randolph in the 
Scottish War of Independence, and, earlier than 1429, by La 
Hire. Far from making such an assault, Talbot, on May 6, 
either commanded or permitted his garrison at Fort St. Prive* 
(which secured his power of crossing the river) to burn the work 
and retire in boats, under cloud of night, to his headquarters at 
St. Laurent. It was therefore plain to the French that Talbot 
on May 7, was to abandon his garrisons on the bridge-head fort 
— the Tourelles, and its strong boulevard — to themselves and to 
their fate. 

The bridge-head forts, the Tourelles, were very strong, and 
were held by some 600 of the pick of the English army, under 
de Moleyns, Poynings, and Glasdale. Behind their moats and 


walls they should have been able to resist a force of 3000 French. 
But they were not to be supported, and they knew it. What is 
more, Talbot was to relieve them by no diversion, no demonstra- 
tion even, in the way of attack on the gates and walls of Orleans, 
so as to recall the French from their enterprise. In such a 
diversion his superstitious men would not have been obliged to 
face the Witch and Milkmaid of the Armagnacs, who was on the 
farther shore. " If Talbot had seen, if Talbot had chosen, he 
might have taken Orleans," says a French historian. But Talbot 
could not help seeing, from the walls of St. Laurent, all that 
was being done. As will presently appear, what he did see, from 
dawn to sunset, was simply the complete success of the defence 
by his garrison at the bridge-head. The sudden change, the 
total defeat, in the deepening twilight, was the work of the Maid, 
the work of ten minutes. Talbot was fated to hear the French 
trumpets sound the recall, to see the French retreat begin, and 
then the Tourelles in flames. 

Even so, we cannot understand Talbot's failure to make, on 
May 7, at least a demonstration against the St. Regnart gate of 
Orleans ; for Talbot, as will soon be seen, was brave even to rashness. 

The nature of the task that now fell to the French must be 
clearly understood. They had first to capture, on the opposite bank 
of the Loire, on solid land, the boulevard or outwork protecting 
the Tourelles, which was a stone fort of two towers on an arch 
of the bridge. The Tourelles themselves were protected from 
assault on the Orleans side by the destruction of an arch of the 
bridge, and by an outwork commanding the gap. The boulevard 
was separated from the Tourelles by another breach or gap 
through which flowed a stream of the river. This gap was 
crossed by a drawbridge ; the defenders of the boulevard, if too 
hard pressed, could rush across, retire into the Tourelles, raise 
the drawbridge, and defy the enemy. Their position now would 
be unenviable, they would find themselves blockaded in the 
Tourelles, till Talbot, if reinforced by Fastolf, could deal a decisive 
blow at the French on either side of the Loire. 


The boulevard itself appears to have had high walls, for it 
had to be attacked with scaling-ladders, and it was surrounded 
by a deep fosse. The walls, while the boulevard was in possession 
of'the French, in October 1428, were made of earth and faggots. 
On October 21, 1428, the English had lost 240 men killed, in an 
unsuccessful attempt to take this work. On October 22 the 
English had mined it, and therefore, on October 23, the French 
abandoned the position. The English, when they acquired this 
all-important boulevard, strengthened it considerably. A place 
strong enough to cause the loss of 240 men slain, without being 
taken, was manifestly apt to give the Maid " much to do, more 
than I ever had yet," as she said. 

At sunrise on May 7, Jeanne heard Mass. It is said by a later 
chronicler that the French leaders were unwilling to risk an attack, 
and that she set forth against their will. This is very dubious. 
Before Jeanne set out a man brought her a sea-trout for breakfast 
(une alose), whereon Jeanne said to her host, Boucher, " Keep it 
for supper ; for I will bring you a Godon, later, and will come back 
by the bridge," which was broken down. (Littre' explains alose 
as " a fish which is good to eat, and comes up the river in spring." 
This appears to indicate a sea-trout or shad, for a bull trout is not 
" good to eat.") The townsfolk all day were making preparations 
for bridging the broken arches and assaulting the Tourelles. The 
knights and the Maid crossed the water by boat. There were 
Thibault de Termes (a witness in 1450-1456); Dunois and de 
Gaucourt ; de Villars, old in arms ; La Hire, Poton de Saintrailles, 
Florent d'llliers, and many other captains. It is hard to believe that 
they had tried to stop the enterprise ; if so, the more the glory of the 
Maid. All the men who could be spared from the task of keeping 
the town safe against an attack by Talbot must have been present. 
But that task must have kept a large proportion of combatants in 
Orleans ; for, the garrison of the Tourelles consisting of 600 men, 
according to a contemporary bulletin of the Dauphin (May 9-10), 
Talbot can scarcely have had less than 2500 men with whom to 
storm the city. 


The assailants had an abundant supply of guns of all calibres, 
with other engines, arrows, and the accustomed huge shields and 
movable wooden shelters to protect small advancing parties. 
They must have been a motley host, men-at-arms, routiers of the 
robbing companies, foreign mercenaries like Alphonzo de Partada, 
townsfolk, apprentices with clubs and bows, crossbow men, 
Scots, whether men-at-arms under Kennedy, or the wild plaided 
mountaineers from the Lennox, unkempt, shaggy-bearded warriors 
with axe and bow, as shown in a contemporary work of art. 

Within the English forts, under de Moleyns, Poynings, 
Glasdale, GifTord, and other leaders, were 600 English yeomen, 
without a thought of surrender. There were John Reid from 
Redesdale, William Arnold, Bill Martin, Walter Parker, Matthew 
Thornton, William Vaughan, John Burford, Patrick Hall, 
Thomas Sand, John Langham, Thomas Jolly, George Ludlow, 
Black Henry, Davy Johnson, Dick Hawke, Geoffrey Blackwell, 
tough customers, as they were to prove themselves on this the 
latest day that dawned for most of them. They, too, were well 
equipped on all points : they must have had the gun Passe Volant 
of the Fort St. Jean le Blanc, which cast stone balls of eighty 
pounds weight into Orleans across the river. Perhaps this antique 
Long Tom was rather of the nature of a mortar for lobbing heavy 
balls high to the distance of 500 yards, than a gun capable of 
a low trajectory, and of sweeping the ranks of the French. In 
any case, the English wanted not for guns, bows, arrows, and 
determined courage. 

The attack began early in the morning, each company under 
\ the displayed standard of its captain. The assault was made from 
every side ; doubtless with supporting companies, carrying their 
scaling-ladders. " And well the English fought ; for the French 
were scaling at once in various places, in thick swarms, attacking 
on the highest parts of their walls, with such hardihood and valour, 
that to see them you would have thought they deemed themselves 
immortal. But the English drove them back many times, and 
tumbled them from high to low ; fighting with bowshot and gun- 


shot, with axes, lances, bills, and leaden maces, and even with 
their fists, so that there was some loss in killed and wounded." 
Ladders were rising, men were climbing them ; the ladders were 
overthrown, or the climbers were shot, or smitten, or grappled with 
and dashed into the fosse ; while the air whirred to the flight of 
arrows and bolts, and the smoke rose sulphurous from the mouths 
of guns. 

The standard of the Maid floated hard by the wall, till, about 
noonday, a bolt or arrow pierced her shoulder-plate as she climbed 
the first scaling-ladder, and the point passed clean through armour 
and body, standing out a hand's-breadth behind. She shrank and 
wept, says her confessor ; she refused to have a song to stay the 
blood sung over the wound ; refused to be " charmed " as the hurt 
of Odysseus — the gash that the wild boar drove with his tusk in the 
glade of Parnassus — was charmed by a song of healing. Dunois de- 
clares that she ceased not to fight, and took no medicament, though 
the assaults continued till the eighth hour of evening. It is more 
probable that, as Pasquerel her confessor says, she suffered her 
wound to be dressed with olive oil, and confessed herself to him. 

The English must have seen that the Maid was stricken, 
and was for awhile out of action ; must have believed that they, 
having drawn her blood, had spoiled her witchcraft; for that is 
still a rural superstition, just as the magical power of stanching 
blood by muttered words still prevails in Glasdale's own country. 
Probably her place in the front rank was not long empty. There 
she stood under her banner and cried on her French and Scots ; 
but they were weary, and the sun fell, and men who had said that 
"in a month that fort could scarce be taken," lost heart as the 
lights of Orleans began to reflect themselves in the silvery waters 
of the Loire. "The place, to all men of the sword, seemed im- 
pregnable," says Perceval de Cagny. " Doubt not, the place is 
ours," cried the clear girlish voice. But Dunois " held that there 
was no hope of victory this day " ; he bade sound the recall, and 
gave orders to withdraw across the river to the city. Three or 
four general assaults had been given, says Dunois : the third, we 


learn from Le Jouvencel, was usually the fiercest and the last. 
" But then the Maid came to me, and asked me to wait yet a little 
while. Then she mounted her horse, and went alone into a 
vineyard, some way from the throng of men, and in that vine- 
yard she abode in prayer for about half a quarter of an hour. 
Then she came back, and straightway took her standard into her 
hands and planted it on the edge of the fosse " ; so says Dunois. 
The English, seeing the wounded Witch again where she had 
stood from early morning, " shuddered, and fear fell upon them," 
says Dunois. His language is Homeric. 

The details of the result are given by the Maid's equerry, 
d'Aulon. The French trumpets had actually sounded the recall, 
— a glad note in the ears of the resolute English. As the 
French were retreating, the standard-bearer of the Maid (who 
herself had retired to pray), still, though weary and outworn, was 
holding her flag aloft in front of the boulevard. Now he handed 
it to be carried in the retiral by a Basque of the command of 
de Villars. DAulon knew the Basque, and he also feared that 
the retreat might end in disaster {doubtoit que a Voccasion de la 
retraicte mal ne s ' ensuivisi). 

An English sally might convert retreat into rout : the standard 
of the Maid might be taken. D'Aulon reckoned that if the 
standard were brought again to the front, "the men-at-arms, 
for the great affection they bore to it, might storm the boulevard." 
Dunois, too, had now countermanded the order to retreat, at the 
request of the Maid. DAulon said to the Basque, " If I dismount 
and go forward to the foot of the wall, will you follow me ? " 

" I will," said the Basque. 

D'Aulon sprang from his saddle, held up his shield against 
the shower of arrows, and leaped into the ditch, supposing that 
the Basque was following him. The Maid at this moment saw 
her standard in the hands of the Basque, who also had gone 
down into the ditch. She seems not to have recognised his 
purpose. She thought that her standard was lost, or was being 
betrayed, and seized the end of the floating flag. 



" Ha ! my standard ! my standard ! " she cried, and she so 
shook the flag that it waved wildly like a signal for instant 
onset. The men-at-arms conceived it to be such a signal, and 
gathered for attack. 

"Ha! Basque, is this what you promised me?" cried dAulon. 
Thereon the Basque tore the flag from the hands of the Maid, 
ran through the ditch, and stood beside d'Aulon, close to the 
enemy's wall. By this time her whole company of those who 
loved her had rallied and were round her. 

" Watch ! " said Jeanne to a knight at her side, " Watch till 
the tail of my standard touches the wall ! " 

A few moments passed. " Jeanne, the flag touches the wall ! " 

" Then enter, all is yours ! " 

Then, heedless of arrows and bullets, the multitude rushed 
en masse on the wall ; every scaling-ladder was thronged, they 
reached the crest of the fort, they leaped or tumbled into the 
work ; swords and axes rose and fell ; " never had living men 
seen such an onslaught." The English ammunition was exhausted, 
or time failed them to load the guns ; the bolts and arrows were 
expended ; the yeomen thrust with lances, hacked with their 
bills, smote with their maces, even with their fists ; threw down 
great stones ; there was a din of steel blades on steel armour, but 
at last the English turned and fled to the drawbridge that enabled 
them to cross towards the stone fort of the Tourelles. 

But the drawbridge was cracking under their feet, it was 
enveloped in an evil stench and smoke ; tongues of flame licked 
it, and shot up through the planks ; while the stone bullets of the 
guns of Orleans lighted on roof and walls of the Tourelles, and 
splashed in the water of the Loire. 

Jeanne saw the fire and the peril, and had compassion on the 
brave, brutal Glasdale who had threatened and insulted her. 

" Glasdale," she cried, " Glasdale ! Yield thee, yield thee to 
the King of Heaven ! You called me harlot, but I have great 
pity on your soul and the souls of your company ! " 

So says Pasquerel, who was present. In her pity and courtesy 


the Maid bade her insulter yield himself, not to her or to any 
knight, but to the King of Heaven. 

But how had the drawbridge been fired ? 

The knights in Orleans and the people had constructed a 
fireship, and loaded it with masses of all that was greasy, in- 
flammable, and of evil savour ; had laid on the bulk many greased 
and tarry flags ; had lighted them, and towed the flaming barque 
under the wooden drawbridge. 

Yet the greater part of the surviving defenders of the English 
boulevard dashed through the smoke into the Tourelles, while 
Glasdale, de Moleyns, and a few other English knights and 
gentlemen stood at bay, protecting the retreat, and holding the 
drawbridge with axe and sword. But the fugitives had scarcely 
reached the Tourelles when they found themselves assailed in 
a new quarter — from the front, from Orleans ! 

Whoever watched the fight now saw men from the Orleans 
side crossing the vacant space of air — the gap whence two arches 
had been broken — as it were by miracle. In the smoke and 
the dusk their support was hardly visible. The Orleans people 
had found an old gouttiere, long, but not long enough to cross 
the gap above the stream. A carpenter had fixed to it a beam, 
supported by stays, and so enabled its further extremity to rest 
on the intact arch of the Tourelles. Across this " Brig of Dread " 
walked Nicole de Giresme, the Prior of the Knights of Malta, 
other men-at-arms following him in single file. The impregnable 
Tourelles were thus assaulted on both sides ; and when Glasdale, 
Poynings, de Moleyns, and the rest of the little rearguard leaped 
on to the smouldering drawbridge to cross into the fort, the 
bridge broke beneath their mailed feet, and they fell into the 
stream. Armed cap-a-pie as they were, the weight of their 
armour drew them down : steel, fire, water had conspired against 
them. Jeanne saw this last horror of the fight ; she knelt, weeping 
and praying for the souls of her enemies and insulters. 

The practical knights beside her lamented that they had 
lost great ransoms. There was no other drawback to the triumph 


of the French ; in that night of terror not one of the stout 
defenders of the boulevard and the Tourelles escaped, all were 
slain, drowned, or taken and held to ransom. 

The joy bells of Orleans sounded across the dark Loire, lit 
with the red flames, and the Maid, as d'Aulon had heard her 
prophesy, returned by the bridge. 

She had kept her word, she had shown her sign, Orleans was 
delivered, and the tide of English arms never again surged so 
far as the city of St. Aignan. The victory, her companions in 
arms attest, was all her own. They had despaired, they were 
in retreat, when she, bitterly wounded as she was, recalled them 
to the charge. Within less than a week of her first day under 
fire, the girl of seventeen had done what Wolfe did on the heights 
of Abraham, what Bruce did at Bannockburn, she had gained one 
of the " fifteen decisive battles " of the world. 



On entering Orleans the French gave praise to God in all the 
churches of the city. The people had always a lively sense of 
what they owed to their patron saints, St. Aignan and St. Euverte, 
in whose honour they had made many processions. Myths about 
their action appear late in the chroniclers. The Journal du Siege, 
a patchwork finished thirty years later than the events, only 
says, on the report of an English prisoner, that the defenders of 
the boulevard and the Tourelles saw themselves " assailed by a 
marvellous number of men, as if the whole world were there 
assembled." General Foy had the same false impression of over- 
whelming numbers on the ridge of Busaco. The author of the 
Journal credits St. Aignan and St. Euverte with the production of 
this miraculous impression, so natural when the whole French 
force swarmed up the scalding-ladders. A still later author, 
probably a very aged survivor of 1429, improves the tale. " One of 
the English said that, during the siege, he saw two prelates in 
pontifical habits coming and going par sus the walls of Orleans," 
though unless he saw the Archbishop of Reims, and Kirkmichael, 
Bishop of Orleans, taking a Sunday stroll together in February, he 
was probably mistaken. That " two bishops, in a blaze of light, 
were seen floating over the Tourelles at the moment of the assault," 
is averred, but I can find no reference to this romantic legend 
earlier than 1908. 

The religious service ended, Jeanne went to the house of 
Boucher, her host, where her wound was tended by a surgeon ; 
and she took a slight supper, four or five slips of bread soaked 

*4 X 


in weak wine and water : she had not eaten or drunk since 
dawn, says Dunois. Her great temperance and perfect health 
alone can account for the absence of any ill effects from a wound 
caused by the perforation of her body by a bolt or arrow. Her 
wound was healed within a fortnight, so she told her judges. 
The French loss she stated at over a hundred. We may note the 
health of the Maid's constitution, when a distinguished Professor 
speaks, as to Jeanne, of an alleged symptom of " insufficiency 
of physical development found in most hysterical patients" 

She had not a long night's rest. "In the dawn the English 
came out of their tents and arrayed themselves in order of battle. 
Thereon the Maid rose from bed, and for all armour wore a coat 
of mail " (jaseran), says Dunois : she could not bear her heavy 
plate armour. The English had collected their prisoners and all 
the property that they could carry, leaving their sick, their heavy 
guns, ammunition, pavois (huge shields), and their provisions. 

Talbot's men, unencumbered, and with banners displayed, in 
excellent order of battle, challenged the French to fight in fair field. 
The French also, with the Maid and most of their daring leaders, 
the Marshals, La Hire, Saintrailles, and Florent d'llliers, led out 
and marshalled their troops. For an hour the armies confronted 
each other. A citizen of Orleans, in 1429 a man of twenty-five, says 
that Jeanne was unwilling to fight because the day was Sunday. 
Yet at Paris she showed that she thought " the better the day, the 
better the deed." A more rigid Sabbatarian than she, a Scottish 
preacher, when Montrose, at Tippermuir, on a Sunday, offered a 
day's truce, urged the Covenanters to refuse it, and to do the 
Lord's work on the Lord's day. The results were as usual when 
the Covenanters met Montrose ! 

Jeanne's conduct, according to the Orleans witness, was peculiar. 
She sent for a portable altar and the necessary ecclesiastical vest- 
ments. Two Masses were said, the whole army devoutly worship- 
ing. Then Jeanne asked those about her whether the English 
were facing them. " No, the English are turned towards Meun." 


" Let them go ! Our Lord does not wish us to fight them to-day, 
you will have them another time." They had them presently, in 
a crushing defeat. " The Maid," says Dunois briefly, " willed that 
none should attack the English." Her motive is unknown ; did 
she wish to spare bloodshed, or did she doubt (she who rarely 
doubted) that the English bowmen, in fair field, might win, as they 
had done in many a battle? The English doubtless had dis- 
mounted and formed in line, with their archers en potence, at right 
angles to either wing. Many a time the French and the Scots 
had charged the English in this formation, only to be rolled up 
in heaps of slain, a lance length in height, as at Dupplin, Halidon 
Hill, and Agincourt. The French captains by long experience 
had become more wary, and doubtless appreciated the motives of 
the Maid in refusing battle. The English retired in good order 
and unopposed. 

Later some cavalry leaders, La Hire and Ambroise de Loir£, 
with a hundred lances, followed the retreating host for three leagues, 
reconnoitring, and then returned to Orleans. Suffolk retired to 
Jargeau ; Scales, Talbot, and others to Meun and Beaugency and 
other towns on the Loire near Orleans. It is said that when 
Bedford heard the evil news he went from Pads, as if he dreaded 
the populace, to Vincennes and its castle, and called in forces from 
all quarters, with small success ; for the French in the conquered 
provinces began to hate, despise, and desert the English. These 
processes moved, however, but tardily. 

At Orleans the townsfolk looted the English works, and made 
merry over the wine and other spoils, while the devout listened to 
sermons and marched in processions. This was the beginning of 
the great Orleans festival of the Eighth of May. 

The English army should have had one advantage, even after 
a disaster, over that of France. The men, " indentured " for a 
very short period of service, say six months, could not easily desert 
their colours in a hostile country. As we have seen, they did 
manage to desert, so Bedford testifies, during the siege ; but now 
their safety lay in keeping together behind the walls and towers 


of Jargeau, Meun, Janville, Beaugency, and other towns captured 
in autumn 1428. But, after the raising of the siege of Orleans, 
the French garrisons of Chateaudun and several other places 
departed to their posts ; the army of relief in part broke up ; there 
were scant supplies, scant money to pay the men, and on May 10 
the Maid, de Rais, and other leaders went to see the Dauphin. 
There was, however, we shall find, an attempt to follow up the 

At Tours the Dauphin welcomed the Maid, and sent despatches 
with official news of the victory to his good towns. In the letter 
to Narbonne we see fresh intelligence added as messengers come 
in with later tidings, first of St. Loup ; then of the Augustins, where 
the old standard of the renowned Chandos was captured ; then of 
the taking of the Tourelles and the raising of the siege. The only 
leader chosen for mention in the gazette is the Maid, •' who was 
personally present in action in all these affairs.'' " Her part was 
not that of a captain, she held no command of any description," says 
one of her critics, who also remarks that she was " Captain of the 
Commune," that she was " the only power in the city " ; that at 
St. Loup she rallied and led the forces ; that " the moment she 
appeared in the field, she was the chief, because she was the best" ; 
that " she did everything, because without her nothing would have 
been done" ; while she persuaded Dunois to permit the last charge 
on the boulevard of the Tourelles, and, as commander-in-chief, on 
May 8 refused battle though many leaders desired to fight. 

As all these are well-established facts, it is less than logical 
to grudge the Maid her mention in what we may call the 
gazette of the victory, and the title of a leader, unofficial. 

Meanwhile the professional captains in war were not quite 
so fortunate in her absence as in her presence. Possibly Jeanne's 
wounds in the foot and through the shoulder, not healed till a 
fortnight had passed, incapacitated her from joining in the 
expedition against Jargeau, led by Dunois, the Marshal de 
Boussac, and Saintrailles, at the head of many knights, squires, 
and civic details from Bourges, Tours, Blois, and other towns. 


This large force attacked Jargeau, twelve miles east of Orleans, 
just after May 10 or May 11, and fought for three or four 
hours, but could do nothing, though the English commander 
of the town, Henry Bisset, was killed. The moat, fed by the 
Loire, which was high, could not be crossed : the besiegers, 
professionally led as they were, had not brought the usual 
appliances for filling up or ferrying across a deep moat. It 
appears from the military romance, Le Jouvencel, that leathern 
boats were in use, and were transported on the backs of horses. 
I know no other example of this device, which may have been 
evolved long after 1429. 

The news of the English defeats at Orleans was, naturally, 
a source of pleasure to the Duke of Burgundy, their ally. " It 
is his interest that the English, who are so powerful, should be 
a little beaten. ... If the Duke of Burgundy chose, were it 
but by a word, to aid the Dauphin's party, there would not 
be a fighting Englishman in the country by Midsummer " ; 
so says an Italian news-writer resident in Bruges. His letter 
must be of about May 18. He adds that before the victory 
of the Maid, " prophecies were found at Paris and elsewhere " 
announcing success to the Dauphin ; and he goes on to give 
his version of the advent of the Maid. In the Middle Ages, 
when any event of note occurred, or was anticipated, people 
bethought them of the popular predictions of Merlin, current 
in folklore and in manuscripts, remembered the Virgin prophecy 
of Marie d' Avignon, and some one framed a chronogram, which 
was attributed, as prophetic, to Bede. The Merlin prophecies were 
forced into harmony with the new situations ; they were not 
new prophecies forged by fraudulent priests who used the Maid 
as their puppet. That is merely the fallacy of a recent histo- 
rian of Jeanne d'Arc. When Richard II was taken prisoner 
by Bolingbroke (1399), an old English knight told Jean Creton, 
the chronicler, that Merlin and Bede predicted the events. The 
Middle Ages confused the heathen sennachie with the Christian 



Nevertheless the old saws and the new chronogram helped to 
spread the renown of the Maid, and to increase the hopes of the 
enemies of England. If we may believe a German contemporary, 
Eberhard Windecke, treasurer of the Emperor Sigismund, and a 
chronicler who was sometimes well informed, a pretty incident 
occurred when the Maid, standard in hand, met the Dauphin 
as she rode into Tours. "The Maid bowed to her saddle-bow 
(so sehr sie konnte), and the King bade her sit erect : it was 
thought he would have liked to kiss her, so glad he was." No 
Stuart prince would have been so bashful ! 

He might have been encouraged to greater enterprises than 
a kiss by the sensible and sagacious approval which the great 
clerk, Jean Gerson, then in his last days, bestowed upon the 
Maid. Even already many evil things were said of her garrulity 
(she was rather taciturn), of her not being wholly serious; of 
her trickery ; but, says Gerson, " we cannot be responsible for 
what people choose to say." Belief in her is not an Article 
of Faith, any more than belief in the legends of certain early 
Saints (such as her own St. Catherine and St. Margaret, we 
may add) is matter of faith. The Maid and other leaders 
must not abandon the dictates of ordinary human prudence. 
Suppose that she is not invariably successful, it must not be 
inferred that her victories were not of God but of an Evil 
Spirit, but that her failure too is of God's decreeing. The 
wearing of male dress is defended and approved of; in short, 
at every point Gerson anticipates and contradicts the verdict 
of her hostile judges at Rouen. 

Not less encouraging than the opinion of Gerson was that 
of Jacques Gelu, Archbishop of Embrun. It is difficult, he says, 
to take the Apostle's advice and "try all spirits." "By their 
fruits shall we know them." The fruits of Jeanne's inspirations 
were French successes and English defeats. To a divine and 
legist of the Dauphin's party, these fruits must seem excellent; 
to the divines and legists of Henry vi they must seem apples 
of Sodom, and on that ground they condemned her, while Gerson 


and G6\u approved of her. All the virtues and piety of the 
Maid must, to the Anglo-Burgundian Doctors, seem hypocrisy. 
G6lu, on the other hand, decided that Jeanne was to be obeyed 
as the messenger or angel of God, as far especially as her 
mission was concerned. "We piously believe her to be the 
Angel of the armies of the Lord." 

Probably Jeanne became acquainted with this opinion of 
the archbishop. This is worth remembering, because, at her 
trial, she ventured, for the purpose of concealing the King's 
secret, to narrate a transparent allegory, or parable, about an 
angel who brought a crown to the Dauphin. She herself was 
the angel of the allegory; her warrant was the archbishop's 
phrase, " Puella, quam angelum Domini exejxituun esse pie credimusT 
The archbishop said, finally, that human wisdom must exercise 
itself in matters of military finance, artillery, bridges, scaling- 
ladders, and so forth, but in extraordinary enterprises the Maid 
must be first and chiefly consulted. 

The news of " the right glorious Pucelle " soon reached Rome, 
where a historian, obviously French, added a note on her to 
his own copy of his Latin chronicle, Breviarium Historiale, 
He says that he would rather pass over Jeanne's feats in war 
than write inexactly ; but he represents her force as a handful 
and the English army as innumerable. Cest la le miracle. 
He gives the age of the Maid correctly at seventeen years. 
She seeks no worldly advantage; and the money which she 
receives, she gives away. " She is not addicted to divination, 
as the envious declare." Her miracles are genuine, for they 
are useful, and tend to exalt the faith and to improve morals. 
Her cause is just; she made the Dauphin, by a legal deed, 
surrender his realm into the hands of God, his superior. "You 
are now," she said, "the poorest knight in your kingdom." As 
it happens, Charles was not yet a knight. 

For a while Jeanne was consulted and accepted, and all went well 
for her cause till she was distrusted and set aside. The wisdom 
of Gerson and Gelu was thrown away on the Dauphin, the tool of 


the advisers who happened to have him in their hands at any 
moment. Day by day her allotted year was wasted. As far as 
we can see, military reasons demanded the instant use of the 
enthusiasm which she had aroused. Probably it was not possible 
to advance at once on Paris before the English recovered from 
the shock of Orleans, before they were reinforced. Nobody is 
known to have suggested these tactics. The Maid's plan was 
Orleans first, then Reims, then Paris. She had plenty of time for 
her task, if she could have roused the King by the sign given at 

An Italian letter of July, from Avignon, declared that Jeanne 
had entered Rouen on June 23, and that the Dauphin had peace- 
fully occupied Paris on June 24, and proclaimed a general amnesty! 
The foolish report shows what was expected. 

Meanwhile the Dauphin dawdled, first at Tours, then at Loches, 
and the early days of June had come before anything was at- 
tempted. Dunois and the Maid together visited the Dauphin at 
Loches. She was not of the Privy Council. Dunois says that one 
day, when the Dauphin was in council with Christopher Harcourt, 
Machet his confessor, Robert le Macon (Seigneur de Treves in 
Anjou, an old man), and with Dunois himself, the Maid knocked 
at the door, entered, knelt, and, in the old Greek fashion of 
suppliants, embraced the knees of the Dauphin. She used the 
same mode of approach to her Saints. " Noble Dauphin," she 
said, " hold not such long and wordy councils, but come at once to 
Reims and be worthily crowned." 

That was her conception of her mission from the first, to have 
the Dauphin consecrated, and made king. Her next step, as she 
understood her mission (though it does not seem so certain that 
she was so commanded by her Saints), was to attack Paris. This 
she could have done with success even after the Coronation, if 
she had not been distrusted, thwarted, and set aside. 

D'Harcourt asked her if the march on Reims was part of the 
monitions of her council, her conseil as she called her saintly 
advisers. Jeanne said, " Yes, they chiefly insist on it." 


" Will you not tell us, in the presence of the King, what is the 
nature of this council of yours ? " He did not know ; if she did 
tell the Doctors at Poitiers, the secret was kept sacredly. Machet, 
who was present, had been of the Poitiers commission of inquiry. 

She blushed and said, " I understand what it is that you wish 
to know, and I will tell you willingly." 

" Jeanne," said the Dauphin kindly, u You are sure that you 
are willing to speak about it in this company?" He knew. 

" Yes," she said, and went on in such words as these : " When 
I am somewhat hurt because I am not readily believed in the 
things which I speak from God, I am wont to go apart and to 
pray God, complaining that they are hard of belief; and, after that 
prayer I hear a Voice saying to me, ' Fille D^ va, va, va y je serai 
a ton aide, va ! ' When I hear that Voice I am very glad, and 
desire always to be in that state." 

" What is more, while she was speaking these words concerning 
her Voices, she strangely rejoiced, raising her eyes to heaven." 
In this scene Jeanne said little about her Voices, nothing about 
her visions. 

At some moment, apparently about April 23-26 (?), Jeanne 
had visited the mother and the young wife of dAlengon ; the lady 
was a daughter of the Due d'Orl^ans. Jeanne stayed with them 
for three or four days at the abbey of St. Florent, near Saumur. 
" God knows what joy they made for her," says PerceVal de Cagny, 
the lifelong retainer of the House, and, says Quicherat, "the best 
informed, the most complete, the most sincere, and the earliest of 
the chroniclers of the Maid." 

It was with the Due dAlenc^on in command that Jeanne now 
undertook a campaign for the purpose of driving the English from 
their holds on the Loire, before attempting the journey to Reims. 
A month had been wasted by the King and his advisers before 
this enterprise was permitted. Whether the enterprise was 
necessary, in order to free the French rear before the march to 
Reims, is not certain. The discouraged English army of the Loire 
garrisons was not capable of attacking Orleans afresh. The long 


delayed reinforcements under Fastolf were not ready to march. 
Burgundy and Bedford were not reconciled. Had the Dauphin 
marched to Reims, leaving sufficient garrisons at Orleans and else- 
where, had he from Reims marched on Paris, Fastolf would have 
been compelled to retire on the capital, then insufficiently fortified, 
and the town would probably have fallen. It is not quite clear 
whether a party among the leaders advocated, in preference to the 
march to Reims, a campaign in Normandy before or after the new 
campaign on the Loire. In either case, the Maid argued that, 
" when the Dauphin was crowned and consecrated, the power of 
his adversaries would continually dwindle. So all came into her 
opinion," says Dunois. 

The true point of attack was Paris. Normandy was devastated, 
the Dauphin's army would not find supplies ; there were several 
fortified towns that would offer a long resistance ; and, while the 
English commanded the seas, Rouen was impregnable. Yet a 
Norman campaign, not an instant movement on Paris, was regarded 
as the alternative to the march to Reims. With d'Alencon and 
the Maid, de Rais, de Boussac, La Hire, and de Saintrailles were 
for some time busy in collecting and equipping forces to clear out 
the English from the Loire towns, 

At this moment we obtain the most fresh and gracious of all 
descriptions of the Maid. It appears in a letter of June 8, written 
by young Guy de Laval, the fourteenth of his name, to his mother 
and grandmother. His brother Andre, later Amiral and Marshal 
of France, also signs the epistle. Jeanne knew their mother's 
renown for loyalty, and had sent her for that reason a ring of gold. 

Guy writes that he has ridden from St. Catherine de Fierbois 
to Loches. At St. Aignan he announced his arrival and eagerness 
in the cause to the Dauphin, who thanked him for being ready at 
need, and coming unsummoned. He was a noble of a Breton 
house, and all aid from Bretagne was welcome, for the Constable, 
Arthur de Richemont, was forbidden to approach the Court, 
through the influence of his foe, La Tr^moille. At Selles in Berry, 
Guy de Laval was welcomed by the Maid in her rooms. " She 


sent for wine, and told me that she would soon make me drink 
wine in Paris. To see her and hear her speak, she seems a thing 
wholly divine." She was leaving for Romorantin with de Boussac 
and a host of men-at-arms and archers. 

" I saw her mount, all in white armour but unhelmeted, a small 
steel sperth (a little battle-axe) in her hand. She had a great 
black horse, which plunged at the door of her house, and would 
not permit her to mount ' Lead him to the Cross,' she cried ; it 
stands in the road, in front of the church. There he stood as fast 
as if he were bound with cords, and she mounted and, turning 
towards the church gate she said in a sweet womanly voice, ' Ye 
priests and churchmen, go in processions and pray to God.' Then 
1 Forward, forward ! ' she cried, a gracious page bearing her 
standard displayed, and she with the little sperth in her hand." 

The picture rises out of the night of nearly five centuries. 
There is a modern addition to the picture, Jeanne " was surrounded 
by mendicant friars." Of that there is no word in the letter of 
Guy de Laval. He says that she bade the priests at the church 
door make processions and prayers to God. Guy goes on to 
tell how d'Alencon has arrived, and how he has beaten the 
Duke at tennis. Richemont, the Constable, was expected with a 
force of 1000 men; we shall see how the truculent Arthur de 
Richemont was received ; he whom the Dauphin, for love of 
fat La Tr^moi'lle, detested. " Never men went with better will 
to any enterprise than we go now." " There is no money, or very 
little, at Court, wherefore, Madame my mother, you who have 
my seal, spare not to sell or mortgage my lands as seems best, 
for our honour is to be saved, or if we be in default, to be lowered 
or lost. We must do as I say, for pay there is none.". 

D'Alencon, Dunois, de Gaucourt are all following the Maid. 
The King wants to keep Guy with him till the Maid has cleared 
the line of the Loire, and then to ride with him to Reims. " God 
forbid that I should so tarry and not ride" to the front. "He is 
a lost man who waits." Venddme, Boussac, La Hire are coming, 
" soon we will be at work." 


In this spirit were these two young gentlemen of France ; but 
a biographer of Jeanne says, "As they had much need to gain 
money, they offered their services to the King, who received them 
very well, but did not give them a crown." Verily it was not to 
gather gold, but to spend their lands, that the young Lavals rode 
in. But they were friends of the Maid, and must be depreciated 
by suppressing the evidence of their disinterestedness ! 

The Maid entered Orleans, the base of the Loire campaign, 
on June 9, to the great joy of the people. According to the 
Historiographer Royal, Jean Chartier, who on such a point should 
have known the facts, the army was gathered more through desire 
to follow the Maid, who was known to seek God's service, than to 
fight for pay. The people of Orleans were very liberal in provid- 
ing supplies and ammunition, being moved not only by loyalty 
and gratitude, though they were ceaselessly loyal and grateful, 
but also by their interests, for the English holds all around them 
were thorns in their side. The French force is stated at 8000 
combatants of all arms, but the estimates are never trustworthy. 

Here we may ask what was the military position, and what 
were the military qualities of the Maid ? At this time, apparently, 
she had no official military position, though later, in November 1429, 
she is mentioned in official documents with d'Albret, Lieutenant- 
General for Berri, as one of the two commanders of the French 
force. She had her standard, like other captains, but only her 
Household followed it officially, say a dozen men in all. Never- 
theless her standard was the favourite rallying-point of the men : as 
we have seen, it magnetically attracted the boldest, and it was 
always first among the foremost. The combatants devoted to the 
Maid distinguished themselves, like her own men, by wearing 
white penoncels on their lances. 

When Jeanne was not consulted by the leaders, she sometimes 
caused her influence to be obeyed, as we have seen ; but she was 
often consulted at Orleans, at Jargeau, before Pathay, at Troyes, 
and so forth, though the captains need not accept her opinion. 
On the eve of Pathay they did not attack, as she appears to have 


wished ; while on May 8 they obeyed her when she insisted on 
not facing Talbot in the field. 

Her idea of strategy was always to strike swiftly at vital points, 
as at Paris and on the He de France. But on November 1429 
her counsel, wisely or unwisely (it is a moot point), was not 
accepted by the captains,— and the result was disaster. In the 
spring campaign of 1430 she relied on the leaders after her Voices 
had predicted her capture. 

It is not to be supposed that Jeanne could, unaided, plan 
combined operations in country with which she was unfamiliar ; 
indeed, combined operations were little known, though the art of 
cutting lines of communication was well understood and practised. 
The correctness of her coup d'ceil was admitted, when on May 4 
a smaller force than that of April 28 marched on Orleans by the 
way of the Beauce. 

By critics who have an equal horror and ignorance of war and 
of " miracles," it is averred that she knew absolutely nothing of 
war, and that she " was never consulted, she never led." To argue 
thus is merely to give the lie to the copious evidence — an arbitrary 
way of getting rid of facts not easily to be explained by science. 
The art of war is the application of sound sense to military affairs. 
War had degenerated into " a series of vulgar brawls." To under- 
stand what was needed in the military way required no instruction 
from St. Michael, the leader of the hosts of Heaven. Every plain 
man in France knew that to shake off the English yoke a combined 
effort, union among the jealous nobles, concentration, and resolute 
fightings were necessary. The very critic who denies military 
knowledge to the Maid grants what he denies when he says " there 
was all the stout common sense of the people in her fear that the 
chivalry of France would not fight as she understood fighting." 
She soon showed how she understood fighting ! Her influence 
promoted union and concentration ; she had and she exercised the 
great military gift of encouragement by leading as Skob^leff led, 
by her own dauntless example, by her undefeated tenacity. " She 
was much superior to the men of war in courage and good will," 


says M. France, and these qualities are of supreme value to a leader. 
I go on to quote the sworn evidence to her merits of three of her 
comrades in arms, Dunois, de Termes, d'Alengon ; men aged from 
twenty-two to twenty-five in 1429, men under fifty in 1450. We 
are told that they simply swore to any absurdity which was 
likely to please their party. But that is an arbitrary hypothesis, 
in the interests of the theory that Jeanne was not what history 
represents her. Few men, gentle or simple, perjured themselves 
with light hearts in the fifteenth century, and Dunois displayed a 
candour as to the success of Jeanne's military prophecies which 
disconcerts some of her admirers. Here follows the evidence : 

De Termes. "At the assaults before Orleans, Jeanne showed 
valour and conduct which no man could excel in war. All the 
captains were amazed by her courage and energy, and her 
endurance. ... In leading and arraying, and in encouraging men, 
she bore herself like the most skilled captain in the world, who 
all his life had been trained to war." 

UAlencon. u She was most expert in war, as much in carrying 
the lance as in mustering a force and ordering the ranks, and in 
laying the guns. All marvelled how cautiously and with what 
foresight she went to work, as if she had been a captain with twenty 
or thirty years of experience." 

Dunois. " She displayed " (at Troyes) " marvellous energy, 
doing more work than two or three of the most famous and 
practised men of the sword could have done." 

These three testimonies are selected because they are given 
by soldiers of experience who were eye-witnesses. In modern 
times General Davout, a nephew of Napoleon's Marshal, re- 
cognised her possession of the two essential qualities of a leader, 
moral and physical courage; also he remarks on the strictness 
of her discipline ; her care for her men, her caution, her enter- 
prise, her combination of daring initiative with perseverance and 

General Dragomirof abounds in the same sense. 

Against these testimonies of professional soldiers, contemporary 


and of our own day, we have merely the repeated assertions of a 
peaceful man of letters, such as, 

" Jeanne's advice was never asked : she was led about for luck, 
nothing was said to her." 

" She did not lead the men-at-arms, the men-at-arms led her, 
not regarding her as an officer, but as a luck-bringer." 

Dunois, de Termes, dAlencon, and the other knights are dust : 
their good swords are rust, and it is safe to give them the lie! 

To put the logic of the case in a nutshell, as de Morgan says, 
" it is more likely that P. has seen a ghost than that Q. knows he 
cannot have seen one." " It is more likely that Dunois, dAlencon, 
de Termes, and a cloud of other witnesses saw a girl with 
great natural military qualities, than that a modern civilian 
knows that they cannot have seen such a being." It is a small 
point, but the Maid's eagerness to remain all night with the men 
at Les Augustins (May 6, 1429) while the leaders went to bed in 
Orleans, proves her knowledge of war. Her skill is a marvel like 
that of the untutored Clive, but nobody knows the limits of the 
resources of nature. 



As the Maid's beau Due, d'Alencon, was commander of the 
King's army, she was comparatively uncontrolled in its direction ; 
there was, however, but little union or discipline. According to 
the Journal du Siege, a party among the leaders was averse to 
attacking Jargeau, where Suffolk and his brothers, the de la 
Poles, with a garrison of 700 men, had been making themselves 
obnoxious to the Orleans people. Some captains urged that it 
was necessary, first of all, to encounter Fastolf, — who was at last 
moving from Paris with a force of 2000 lances (5000 men), artillery, 
and supplies, for the relief of Jargeau, — and after discussing 
Fastolf, to attack that town. " In fact, some leaders departed, 
and more would have done so, but for the fair words of the Maid 
and other leaders. The siege was half deserted." 

Jeanne was, in a sense, the chief officer of artillery, that is, in 
so far as the Orleans burgesses sent to her the utensils for the siege 
works. We have already seen the evidence of d'Alencon as to 
Jeanne's skill in working artillery. The heavy guns and field- 
pieces sent from Orleans by water filled five sloops manned by 
forty boatmen, while twenty-four horses were needed to drag the 
chariot of the huge gun of position, resembling Mons Meg now 
in Edinburgh Castle. Ropes and scaling-ladders were also sent 
from Orleans. Of course it was then, and is now, natural to cry 
" Miracle " ! whether seriously or in mockery, in face of d'Alencon's 
evidence, and even to say that the Maid, moving in a mist of 
hallucinations, " never observed the enemy." 
/ On June 9, the day when Fastolf left Paris, the Maid set out 

'for Jargeau. D'Alencon estimates his command at 600 lances : 

', ' 156 


with bowmen, engineers, and artillery the force would be some 
2800 strong; while with 600 lances, led by Dunois, Florent 
d'llliers, and other captains who joined within a short march of 
the town, the numbers were doubled. 

A dispute arose as to the possibility of storming the town. 
The Maid said, "Success is certain. If I were not assured of this 
from God, I would rather herd sheep than put myself in so great 
jeopardy." Thus addressed, the army rode on, and had a skirmish 
with the English, who made a sortie and drove in the patrols. 
The Maid seized her standard, rallied the men, and occupied the 
suburbs of Jargeau. D'Alencon is frank enough to confess that 
very few sentinels were posted that night, and that an English 
sally might have caused a disaster. Yet La Hire, Dunois, and 
Florent d'llliers were commanders of great experience, though 
apparently as open to surprise as that master of surprises, 
Montrose. Jeanne herself, so careful on the night of May 6 at 
Orleans, was on this occasion very careless. But perhaps the 
victors in the South African war have no right to throw the first 
stone at her ! 

Next day (June 12) the artillery duel began, and a great gun 
sent from Orleans, la Bergere or Bergerie y ruined one of the towers 
in the wall. The breach, " after some days," says d'Alencon (an 
error of memory), seemed practicable, and a council of war was 
being held to consider the question of storming it, when news 
came that La Hire was parleying with Suffolk, "so I and the other 
leaders were ill content with La Hire," says d'Alencon. La Hire 
was sent for, and it was decided to attack. 

Suffolk, it appears, was offering to surrender if not relieved 
within fifteen days. As Fastolf with his army was approaching, 
the French leaders said that they would permit the English to 
depart instantly, with their horses. In Jeanne's opinion, accord- 
ing to her own account, they ought to be allowed to depart 
in their doublets, without their armour ; otherwise they must abide 
the assault. She had summoned them on the previous night to 
yield peaceably to the Dauphin. 


The terms of surrender were refused by Suffolk, and the French 
heralds cried, " To the assault ! " " Avant, gentil Due, a V assault / " 
said Jeanne to dAlencon. He hesitated ; he doubted the practic- 
ability of the breach. " Doubt not ! The hour is come when God 
pleases! God helps them who help themselves. Ah, gentil Due, 
are you afraid ? Do you not know that I promised your wife to 
bring you home safe and sound?" The Duchess, indeed, re- 
membering the huge ransom paid for the Due after Verneuil, 
wished to ask the Dauphin to let him stay at home. Perhaps his 
bride did keep him from joining the army of relief at Orleans. 
Jeanne had then said, " Lady, fear not ! I will bring him home 
better than when he left " ; so d'Alencon testifies. 

The assault began, the skirmishers advancing: while Jeanne 
said to the Due, " Change your position ! That gun," pointing 
to a piece of ordnance on the wall, " will kill you ! " and it did 
kill a gentleman who later found himself at the same spot. 

After launching the first swarm of assailants with the scaling- 
ladders, dAlencon and the Maid rushed into the breach, while 
Suffolk called out that he wished to speak with dAlencon ; but it 
was too late. The Maid was climbing a scaling-ladder, standard 
in hand, when a stone crashed through the flag and struck her 
chapeline, a light helmet with no vizor. She was smitten to the 
earth, but sprang up crying, " Amis, amis, sus, sus I " " On, friends 
on ! The Lord has judged the English. Have good heart ! 
Within an hour we take them ! " 

" In an instant the town was taken ; the English fled to the 
bridges ; over a thousand men were slain in the pursuit," says 

Suffolk himself was captured. 

The town and the property stored in the church were looted, 
as was usual after a town was stormed. Less usual was the murder 
of some English prisoners, whose French captors had quarrelled 
over the right to their ransoms. The other prisoners were safely 
conveyed by boats under cloud of night to Orleans. 

D'Alencon and the Maid returned to Orleans in triumph after 


the victory at Jargeau (June 12). The captive duke, in England, 
wrote, sending " salut et dilection" to his friendly and loyal 
accountants, and announcing that his treasurer, Boucher, Jeanne's 
host, has paid, in June last, thirteen golden crowns to a draper and 
a tailor for a rich robe and a huque to be given to Jeanne. Like 
the bride in the old ballad, "she was all in cramoisy" and dark 
green, the colours of the Due d'Orleans. Jeanne was girl enough 
to love rich attire ; a crime, according to her judges and her false 
friend, the Archbishop of Reims, writing after the capture of the 
Maid. Here the prelate touched the lowest depth of human 
meanness and malignity. 

On the evening of June 14, at Orleans, the indefatigable Maid 
said to d'Alengon, " To-morrow, after dinner, I wish to pay a visit 
to the English at Meun. Give orders to the company to march at 
that hour." Meun was the English fortified town nearest to 
Orleans down the river; below it in English hands was 
Beaugency. The bridge-head of Meun, strongly fortified, as at 
Orleans, was taken by assault (June 15). A French garrison was 
placed in the bridge-towers, the army bivouacked in the fields, and, 
not attacking the castle and town of Meun, the French marched 
next morning (June 16) against Beaugency, whence they knew 
that Talbot himself had retreated to Janville. The English 
deserted the town of Beaugency, retiring into the castle, but 
leaving men ambushed in houses and sheds. These men at- 
tempted to surprise the French ; there were losses on both sides, 
but the English were driven into the castle. The French then 
planted artillery and battered the castle walls, when (June 16) 
dramatic events occurred which are variously described. The 
result of them was that Jeanne in vain attempted to reconcile her 
King, slave of La Tremoi'lle as he was, with the truculent Constable, 
Arthur de Richemont, who was eager to bring to the aid of France 
a large force of men. In September 1428, at Chinon, the greatest 
assembly of the Estates before 1789 had vainly demanded the 
restoration of Richemont to the Royal favour. At that moment, 
when Orleans was already threatened, France needed union, and 


the sword of every loyal man. The King promised ; La Tr^moi'lle 
made him break his Royal word. During the siege of Orleans the 
men of Richemont and La Tr^moi'lle were at war in Poitou. None 
the less, by June 8, Guy de Laval wrote to his mother that he 
expected Richemont to join the Royal army under dAlencon. 
But d'Alencon, commanding for the Dauphin, had no terms to 
keep with de Richemont. To dAlencon, besieging Beaugency, 
appeared (June 16) the formidable Constable at the head of a 
large command. How came he there? The Constable had a 
historian in his pay, Guillaume Gruel, and Gruel conscientiously 
earned his wages. " In his Memoirs the other leaders are almost 
always sacrificed to the Constable," says his editor, Petitot. " We 
must be on our guard against his partiality for his master," says 

Gruel asserts that his master, the Constable, had raised his 
force to succour Orleans ; that the Dauphin sent a gentleman to 
bid him retire, otherwise the Royal forces would attack him ; that 
the Constable replied, " he would see who would resist him." He 
then heard of the siege at Beaugency, and made for that place, 
sending messengers to ask the besiegers for quarters for himself 
and his contingent. This is absurd ! Orleans ceased to be 
attacked on May 8 ; the siege of Beaugency began on June 16; 
the Constable did not arrive there on his way from an attempt to 
deliver Orleans ! 

Gruel proceeds to say that his master's messengers were met 
with the reply that the Maid and her army were coming to fight 
him. " In that case," he said, " I will have the pleasure of meeting 
them." DAlencon mounted, the Maid mounted, La Hire and 
other captains asked her what she meant ? " To fight the Con- 
stable ! " was her reply. 

" There are some of us in your company who love the Constable 
better than all the maids in France." 

As these amenities were being interchanged, apparently while 
the Maid, dAlencon, and young de Laval were riding forward, 
the great Constable, also advancing, met them, " to the dismay of 


the others." " Then the Maid, with d'Alencon, young Guy de 
Laval, Dunois, and other captains welcomed him gladly. The 
Maid dismounted and embraced his knees," her way of saluting 
Saints and Kings. The Constable growled out, " Jeanne, they 
tell me that you want to fight me. I know not if you come 
from God — or elsewhere. If from God, I do not fear you, for 
He knows my good will; if from the Devil, I fear you still 

They then rode back to Beaugency, and the Constable's men, 
being the latest comers, supplied the sentinels, as was the manner 
of war. That night the English surrendered the castle by capitu- 
lation (between June 16 and June 17, or, according to Wavrin, 
between June 17 and June 18). This is Gruel's account. 

D'Alencon, on the other hand, says that, on the news of the 
Constable's approach, he and the Maid thought of breaking up 
the siege, as they were under Royal orders not to accept his 
alliance; but the Constable remained with them. Next day, 
(June 17) news arrived that the redoubtable Talbot was approach- 
ing with a great army to rescue the English in Beaugency. The 
cry to arms ! was raised, and Jeanne said that it was better to use 
the aid of the Constable. The English in Beaugency had been 
allowed to depart (in the dawn of June 17). La Hire's patrols 
now rode in with tidings of the approach of Talbot "with 1000 
men-at-arms." If we take d'Alencon's " men-at-arms " to mean 
" lances," — each lance with three or four archers, — Fastolf s com- 
mand would be of about 5000 men, the number at which it is 
usually reckoned. The army must have consisted partly of 
reinforcements from England, demanded by Bedford early in 
April. But our own MS. archives throw no light on the re- 
cruiting of this large force, we hear nothing of fresh English levies, 
and it is impossible to guess how Fastolf got it together. Then 
the Maid said to de Richemont, " Ah, beau con-nestable, you have 
not come for my sake, but since you are come you are welcome." 
Many of the French were afraid to meet Talbot and his men, and 
wished to retreat, so great was still the prestige of England. "In 


God's name!" said Jeanne, "we must fight them; if they were 
hanging from the clouds, we shall have them." 

The apparition of the entire command of Fastolf, 5000 men, 
with a small contingent under Talbot, must now be explained 
Luckily we have the evidence of a man of the sword, Wavrin de 
Forestel, who rode under the standard of Fastolf. That skilled 
commander, who was no mere headlong leader of desperate cavalry 
charges, had arrived at, or near, Jargeau, only to see the flag of 
the Lilies floating from the newly-captured donjon. He therefore 
moved on Janville, within a day's march of Orleans. (He had 
been falsely reported to be at Janville on that day of May when 
the French took the fort of St. Loup.) At Janville, Fastolf waited 
for intelligence. Early on June 16, Talbot reached him with 
40 lances and 200 archers, reporting that the French were 
besieging Beaugency. Fastolf went to Talbot's inn before noon ; 
they dined together — the meal corresponded to the modern French 
dejeuner. Talbot insisted that they should march next day to 
relieve Beaugency. By starting at once they might have arrived 
in time ; but they, like Grouchy on the morning of Waterloo, 
dallied over their strawberries ; they did not march towards the 
thunder of the guns. 

In fact, Fastolf was now for leaving the garrisons of the 
Loire towns to their fate, retiring on the English strong places, 
and awaiting the arrival of reinforcements promised by Bedford. 
The English were demoralised, he said, the French were full of 
confidence ; but Talbot vowed that with his little company, and 
any who chose to join him, he would, " so help him God and St. 
George," attack the enemy. His advice prevailed, they would 
start for Beaugency next morning. Fatal delay ! Next day 
(June 17) Fastolf repeated the story of his anxiety. They were 
but a handful compared to the French, and, if they fought, they 
would imperil the conquests of Henry v. But Talbot and the 
leaders insisted on advancing to rescue Beaugency, never guess- 
ing, on June 17, that Matthew Gough had prematurely surrendered 
the place in the midnight of June 16-17 apparently (if not, in 


the midnight of June 17-18). Talbot could not have imagined 
such a surrender. Fastolf yielded, and, passing - Meun, — of which 
the town and castle were in English hands, while the French 
held, and the Constable had reinforced, the bridge-head towers 
on the south bank of the Loire, — they were within a league of 
Beaugency. But La Hire's patrols, as we saw, had brought in 
news of the English advance ; Jeanne and the Constable had 
advised that the whole French army should move to meet Talbot 
and Fastolf, and the French now occupied a kopje, and were 
arrayed in battle order on that petite montagnette, as Wavrin calls 
it. There stood their host defiant, on that isle of the wide airy 
sea of the wooded plain of the Beauce. 

It was now (June 17) that Jeanne exclaimed, "The English 
are ours ; if they hung among the clouds," that floated high in the 
blue above the plain, " we must have them ! " Fastolf and Talbot 
could not advance on Beaugency (they knew not that it had fallen, 
or was that night to fall) without fighting ; but the sun was low 
in the sky. The English halted within range of the kopje ; they 
dismounted, and formed in order of battle ; the archers drove the 
sharp butts of their long pikes into the ground, and stood behind 
this improvised defence, which ought to have been, and often was, 

The French remained motionless in their excellent position. 
The English therefore sent two heralds, " saying that there were 
three knights who would fight them if they would descend into 
the plain." Surrey made the same offer to James IV a day or 
two before the battle of Flodden ; but not even the rash king 
came down from Flodden Edge to the level fields, and d'Alencon 
was not less wary. The people with the Maid replied, "Go to 
your rest to-day, for it is late enough. To-morrow, if it please 
God and Our Lady, we shall see you at closer quarters." 

This answer, whether dictated by the Maid or not, was more 
than justified by the amazing good fortune of the morrow. The 
English fell back on Meun, and all through the night their guns 
battered the bridge-head towers held by the French. Their 


purpose was to assault and take the towers next day, cross the 
river, and march to rescue Beaugency by the southern bank of the 
Loire. The English knew nothing of the surrender of Beaugency, 
and at eight o'clock of the morning of June 18 were collecting 
pavois (huge shields) and doors for shelter as they stormed the 
bridge fort of Meun. As they were thus engaged there came a 
pursuivant from Beaugency, with news that the fort and town 
were in the hands of the French, who were advancing against 
Fastolf and Talbot. 

According to Wavrin, the French, whom he saw on June 17, were 
a force of 12,000 men on June 18. Monstrelet says 6000 to 8000. 
The English, as Beaugency had fallen, evacuated Meun and 
began to march towards Paris, across the great wooded plain of 
the Beauce. According to Wavrin, the French had no intelligence, 
knew not where to look for the retreating English. Some of them 
asked the Maid where they were to be found? " Ride boldly on," 
she said, "you will have good guidance." They had a strange 
guide enough, as it proved. 

Dunois states that d'Alencon asked Jeanne what they were 
to do? 

" Have good spurs." 

" What, are we to turn our backs ? " said those who heard her. 
" No ! but the English will not defend themselves, and you 
will need good spurs to follow them." 

Though the most learned of the historians of the Maid places 
this dialogue on the morning of June 18, from the context of the 
evidence it rather appears to be a saying of June 17. The French, 
certainly, on the morning of June 18, simply marched after Talbot's 
force, which was moving north by east towards Paris. Jeanne 
predicted for the Dauphin the greatest victory that he had won 
for many a day. Some eighty riders, " mounted on the flower of 
chargers," galloped in advance as scouts. 

The French order of battle was not what the Maid desired. 
La Hire commanded in the van, the eighty riders were of his 
company. Says the Maid's page, de Coutes, then a boy of 


fourteen, "She was very angry, because she was especially fond 
of being entrusted with the vanguard." Probably the leaders 
kept her in the rearguard on this occasion, as the clans forced 
Prince Charles to charge with the second line at Prestonpans, 
and as they vainly implored Dundee not to hazard himself at 
Killiecrankie. Nothing was more likely than that the retreating 
English had left an ambush in one of the woods or ravines of 
the plain, and the leaders would not risk Jeanne with the foremost 

After a long ride, the French scouts saw in the middle distance 
on the right the church tower of Lignerolles, on the left the little 
town of Pathay. The English were not visible, the country was 
thickly wooded. Their advanced guard was led by a knight with 
a white standard ; then came the guns, and the waggons of the 
commissariat with its motley attendants, and then the main body, 
under Fastolf, Talbot, Ramston, and other captains. The rear- 
guard, all Englishmen, rode behind. From the remark that "all 
the rearguard were English," we may infer that the bulk of 
Fastolfs force were Picards and other foreigners. When they 
were within a league of Pathay, neither seen by the French nor 
seeing them, some scouts of the English advanced guard rode in, 
they had caught sight of a large French force advancing. Fresh 
scouts sent forward brought the same tidings. It was determined 
to post the advanced guard, with the waggons and guns, along the 
tall hedges on either side of the road to Pathay. As at the 
battle of the Herrings, the waggons would be used as outworks 
of a laager. Talbot, in advance, perceived two strong hedges ; 
he dismounted, and said that he would line them with 500 picked 
archers and hold that pass till his rearguard joined his main 
body. " But another thing befell him." 

La Hire's eighty gallopers, riding furiously, not knowing where 
the English were, startled a stag from a wood : the stag rushed into 
the main body of the English ; they all raised the view-halloo, 
for they never suspected the presence of the French. Unlucky 
sporting instinct of the English ! The scouts of La Hire instantly 


drew bridle and quietly sent back some of their number with 
the message, " Found ! " The French cavalry of La Hire formed 
in order of battle, set spurs to their horses, and charged with 
such impetus through the pass which Talbot was lining with 
his picked archers, that they cut them up before they could fix 
their pikes or loose their shafts. 

Meanwhile Fastolf, with the cavalry of the main body, or 
bataille, was spurring furiously to reach the advanced guard of 
the English, and was mistaken by that force, or by its leader, 
the knight of the white standard, for the leader of the main 
French corps. In truth, Grouchy was coming, not, as on a later 
June 1 8, the Prussians. The white standard-bearer galloped, 
followed by his whole force, towards the Paris road, in wild 
panic ; and Fastolf seeing this flight, and seeing La Hire and 
Saintrailles cutting up Talbot's archers, drew bridle. He was 
advised by his officers to save himself, the battle was lost. " Be- 
holding this, Messire John Fastolf retired, sad at heart, and with a 
very small company, making the greatest dole that ever man 
made. And he would have thrown himself into the fight, but was 
otherwise counselled by Messire Jehan, Bastard of Thian, and 
others that were with him," says Wavrin. 

Apparently he fled with a few mounted men, while the English 
foot of his command were cut to pieces by the French advanced 
guard, without making any resistance. Dunois reckoned that the 
English lost more than 4000 in killed and prisoners, while the 
rest of Fastolf's force was " missing." Talbot was prisoner to 
Saintrailles ; he was led before d Alencon, Jeanne, and the Constable. 
"You did not expect this in the morning?" asked d Alencon, who 
could not forget his own captivity and the burden of his ransom. 
" Fortune of war ! " answered the brave Talbot. Ramston, Scales, 
and many other leaders were taken ; Fastolf was reported to 
have been captured, but he joined Bedford at Corbueil. Bedford 
deemed that he, like Sir John Cope, 

" wasna blate 
To come with the news of his ain defeat," 


and Fastolf was deprived of the ribbon of the Garter. 
He was afterwards reinstated. In Shakespeare, Talbot would 
have won the day " if Sir John Fastolf had not played the 

There is reason to doubt whether Jeanne saw the massacre, 
and the unresisting flight of the English, which she had predicted. 
All may have been over but the pursuit when the French rearguard 
reached the scene. Her page says, " She was most pitiful at 
the sight of so great a slaughter. A Frenchman was leading 
some English prisoners ; he struck one of them on the head ; the 
man fell senseless. Jeanne sprang from her saddle and held 
the Englishman's head in her lap, comforting him ; and he 
was shriven." Her heart was steeled to the cruel necessities 
of war, for only by war could France be redeemed ; but she 
had the soul of the chivalric ideal. That night she slept at 

Had but St. Michael whispered to her Paris! The army, with 
the Constable's force, would have followed her ; the country would 
have risen round them ; indeed the adjacent towns came in to the 
Dauphin. She had captured the English commissariat, waggons, 
food, and the English ammunition and artillery. The fortifications 
of Paris, we know, were in disrepair ; the English garrison had 
probably been depleted to fill the cadres of Fastolf. The mob 
in Paris was as likely, at least, to be Armagnac as to be Anglo- 
Burgundian. However, on hearing of Pathay, the bourgeois took 
heed to their sentinels, began to fortify their walls, and deposed 
their magistrates and elected others whom they thought more true 
to the Anglo-Burgundian cause. To have marched straight on 
Paris, from Pathay, as far as we can judge meant victory ; but it 
also meant disregard of the Dauphin, of his Council, and of La 
Tremoille. Moreover, the purpose of the Maid was fixed ; she 
would first lead the Dauphin to his coronation, and then, at once, 
would march on Paris. This she could have done, if Charles would 
have saved a fortnight by following her, instantly after Pathay, to 


But Paris was the right objective. During the delays, Bedford 
and the Duke of Burgundy were reconciled, early in July, and 
renewed their alliance. Bedford called in all the men who could 
be spared from the garrisons of Normandy. It was said, on the 
worst authority (see note at end of chapter), that Jeanne about this 
time announced a Scottish invasion of England. But, in fact, 
the Bishop of Winchester, Cardinal Beaufort, had arranged (in 
May-June, at Dunbar) a peace with Scotland as soon as he heard 
of the relief of Orleans. He was thus free to launch on France a 
force which he had enlisted in England for a crusade against the 
Bohemian heretics. The Articles of Agreement between the 
English Government and the Cardinal were made on July I, 
obviously after the news of the disaster of Pathay was received. 
The army engaged was of 250 lances and 2500 archers. "The 
realm stands in likelihood to be lost and subverted," says the 
document. The new English troops were engaged to serve from 
June 23 to December 21. 

Moreover, in tardy response to Bedford's eager request for 
reinforcements, sent before the Maid took the field at the end 
of April, Sir John Radclyffe had been entrusted with 200 men- 
at-arms and 700 bowmen. On July 16, Bedford, at Paris 
anxiously urges the arrival of these two forces — the Cardinal's and 
RadclyfTe's — united, "for the Dauphin has taken the field, will 
instantly be crowned at Reims, and thence will march direct on 
Paris." Even then Charles would have been in time ; but we 
v are to see how he deliberately rejected his opportunity. Bedford 

\ also implores Henry VI to come at once (to be crowned). 

v ^The new English army of 3350 men was thrown into Paris on 
July 25. It was thus that the purpose of the Maid was 
baffled; she never gave Guy de Laval wine to drink in Paris. 
The enmity of the Dauphin and La Tr^mo'ille against the 
Constable, whose alliance they refused, the intrigues of La 
Tr^moi'lle, the diplomacy of the Archbishop of Reims began, 
from the morrow of Pathay, to ruin the most gallant of 



The Letter of Jacques de Bourbon 

The authority for Jeanne's announcement of the coming of a 
Scottish contingent, is a letter of July 24, 1429, addressed by that 
strange personage, Jacques de Bourbon, to the Bishop of Laon, who 
was in a much better position than Jacques to know the real state 
of affairs. It was published in French, from the Vienna archives, 
by M. Simeon Luce, in 1892. The letter contains a myth about 
a massacre at Auxerre, which also found its way into Italian 
news-letters. Jacques puts Fastolf s force at 3500, and reckons the 
prisoners at 1500. The Pucelle is said to have predicted a great 
battle and victory on the road to Reims, where the enemy had 
no forces except the garrisons of the towns ! Bedford is said, 
with equal absurdity, to have tried to get the holy ampoule of 
Reims, and be crowned King of France ! Charles has an army 
of 30,000 horse and 20,000 foot ! He is marching from Reims 
against Calais ! The letter is of no historical value. 


AFTER Pathay, the Maid rode to Orleans in triumph. The people 
expected the Dauphin to make their town the base of the ex- 
pedition to Reims ; they decorated the streets, but he, always 
skulking, remained the guest of La Tremoi'lle at his house of 
Sully. On June 22 the Maid met her prince at Saint-Benoit- 
sur-Loire. There, says an eye-witness, the Dauphin abounded in 
her praises, deigned to express his regret for all her labours, — and 
actually asked her to take a holiday. 

She, that had now not a year of freedom before her, as she 
knew, wept, — it is not strange, — and implored him to cease to 
doubt, he would gain his kingdom, and would soon be crowned. 
She had a boon to crave. For the sake of France, she begged 
her prince to forgive the Constable and accept the aid of himself 
and his men. The Constable now sent gentlemen to approach La 
Tremoi'lle, and even besought the favourite to let him serve the 
King : he would kiss the knees of La Tremoi'lle for this grace : he 
sought it at a graceless face. The Dauphin bade the Constable 
begone ; to the grief of the Maid and the captains. In the follow- 
ing winter La Trdmoille sent a man to assassinate the Constable, 
who detected and pardoned the sinner. 

The official chronicler of the King says that La Tremoi'lle 
caused other nobles of good will to be discarded ; they had come 
from all quarters for the sake of the Maid, and the favourite went 
in personal fear. " But none at that hour dared to speak against 
La Tremoi'lle, though all men saw clearly that the fault lay in 




The Due de Bretagne now sent a herald and his confessor on a 
mission to Jeanne. She told the confessor that the Due should 
not make such long delays to help his feudal superior. 

The Dauphin next rode to Gien on Loire, and held " long and 
weary councils." It is said that some leaders were for attacking 
Cosne and La Charite, thirty leagues from Orleans, on upper Loire, 
while the Maid was all for Reims. 

It may have been at this time that a campaign in Normandy 
was proposed, as Dunois reports. It is difficult to see how success 
could have attended such an enterprise in a devastated and all 
but depopulated region, studded with strong places of strength, 
and Rouen could not be hopefully assailed while England held 
the seas. The march to Reims, on the other hand, was through a 
rich and peaceful country, and there were good Anglo-Burgundian 
towns to be reclaimed for the Dauphin. 

One historian is intelligent enough to accuse Jeanne of " retard- 
ing the deliverance of her country, by causing the Norman campaign 
to be abandoned " ; while he also assures us that " the apocalypses 
of Jeanne had nothing to do with influencing the determination 
of the nobles to ride to Reims " ! The Archbishop of Reims, the 
same critic says, really caused by his advice the march to Reims, 
though we shall find him anxious to abandon the effort at the 
second check. 

To these consistent and logical opinions we prefer the state- 
ment of Dunois, that the Maid won all to her determined course. 
The ideas of the Maid may be open to military objections, but she 
cannot, at one and the same time, have been greatly guilty of 
preventing the enterprise in Normandy, and also purely without 
influence in the affair. 

To us it may well seem that the true policy was to attack Paris 
on the morrow of Pathay ; but we do not learn that this was ever 
proposed by any one. In Normandy, at this time, Richemont is 
said by his modern biographer to have been active and successful ; 
and certainly, in mid-August, Bedford left Paris for Normandy, as 
if that province were being threatened. 


The d'Alengon chronicler avers that Jeanne was deeply grieved 
by the delays at Gien (not more than ten days), and vexed by 
advisers who opposed the ride to Reims, insisting that there were 
many cities and places of strength on the way, English and 
Burgundian fortresses strong in walls and in supplies, between 
Gien and the city of St. Remy. 

" I know all that, and make no account of it," she said ; and " in 
sheer vexation she left the town, and bivouacked in the fields two 
days before the departure of the King." 

The Maid knew as well as any man the strength of the hostile 
cities on the road. She had passed through Auxerre on her way 
from Domremy, and the reputation of Troyes and of Reims was 
familiar to her. Her fame attracted hosts " who would not budge 
except for her." To say, as one of her critics does, that she did 
not know the way to Champagne from the way to Normandy is 
childish ; she had ridden through Champagne, and knew her right 
hand from her left. The army of the Dauphin, collected near 
Gien, contained poor gentlemen, riding as archers, on ponies like 
the yellow steed of dArtagnan, and poorly paid at two or three 
francs. With these were Dunois, Guy de Laval, La Tremoi'lle, de 
Rais, d'Albret, and dAlencon. Jeanne appears to have gone in 
advance from Gien on June 27, the Dauphin following on June 29. 

The mind of Jeanne, at the moment of starting for Reims to 
fulfil her mission, was certainly filled with even more than her 
usual certainty of divinely given success. " The Maid," she wrote 
to the people of Tournai, " lets you know that in eight days she 
has chased the English out of all their strong places on the Loire." 
She takes the credit to herself as the angel of the Archbishop of 
Embrun's treatise, the warrior angel of the Lord ; unless we sup- 
pose, with M. Salomon Reinach, that a clerk altered her words for 
the purpose of exalting her mission. Like the rest of the party, 
she believed that Fastolf had been captured at Pathay : probably 
a case of mistaken identity. 

The town of Tournai adhered to the Dauphin in the midst of a 
country of Burgundian allegiance ; and, accepting the invitation of 


the Maid, the people sent representatives to the Coronation. The 
Dauphin himself left Gien on June 29 ; by July 4 the army had 
passed the Burgundian city of Auxerre. In this town, on her way 
from Domremy, the Maid, in her black and grey page's suit, had 
heard Mass with Jean de Novelonpont and Bertrand de Poulengy. 
Now, within four months, she returned, the companion and 
counsellor of princes, at the head of an army which, in her presence, 
had never met with a single check. There is nothing more 
wonderful in the turnings of the flying wheel of fortune. 

But at Auxerre there was a pause. The town was under Bur- 
gundian allegiance, and, if it admitted the Dauphin, had too good 
reason to fear the revenge of Burgundy. It was one thing for the 
Dauphin to win towns, another thing to keep and defend them 
when the tide of victory turned. His official historian writes, 
and the other chroniclers follow him, that Auxerre " yielded no full 
obedience. Some of the townsfolk came out, and it was said that 
they bribed La Tre^moi'lle to let them remain in a state of truce," of 
neutrality. The captains murmured against La Tr^moi'lle : Jeanne 
was eager to threaten the city with assault ; but by a convention, 
the town sold food to the army, which was in great necessity. 
After three days the army moved on. La Tr^moille was said to 
have secretly received a bribe of two thousand crowns to make 
this arrangement. From the Burgundian chronicler, Monstrelet, 
we learn that Auxerre promised to yield fully if Troyes, Chalons, 
and Reims did the same ; but this vow was not kept. The captains 
and the Maid must have seen the folly of accepting the Auxerre 
terms from the other cities, Troyes, Chalons, and Reims. To do 
so would have been to leave hostile fortresses in their rear. A 
mere military demonstration would have opened the gates of 
Auxerre, as it opened the gates of Troyes, but La Tr^moi'lle got 
his two thousand crowns. 

On July 4 the army (absurdly estimated at 50,000 men by a 
news-writer) reached Saint-Phal, whence they negotiated with the 
town of Troyes, which was strong, well provisioned, populous, and 
occupied by a Burgundian garrison. 


(Here we have the evidence of a pro-Burgundian writer of 
about 1620, Jean Rogier, who used, and copied, documents no 
longer extant in the originals. He deftly and patriotically sup- 
pressed the crucial facts.) 

The Dauphin had already received citizens from Reims, who 
assured him that the city would open her gates ; and the Duke of 
Burgundy informed the people of Reims that he knew the fact. 
The people of Troyes also knew, for they had taken a Cordelier, 
a De ggmg friar, who gave them the information. This man, 
Brother Richard, was a popular preacher, a meddlesome enthusiast 
de la pire espece. He had been, or pretended that he had been, in 
the Holy Land, where he found the Jews expecting the Advent 
of Antichrist, though how they came to believe in Antichrist is a 
difficult question. Him whom they called the Messiah, Brother 
Richard called Antichrist, that is the explanation. In Paris the 
man had preached " sensational " sermons in spring ; like 
Savonarola he induced the people to burn their " vanities " — cards, 
dice, lawn billiards, women's horned caps, and so forth. In May he 
was expelled from Paris, where he had collected enthusiastic mobs. 
That he perhaps preached patriotism has been asserted, but the 
people of Troyes took him for a sound Anglo-Burgundian. He 
proclaimed the dawn of the day of Judgment, and distributed 
leaden medals marked with the name of Jesus. Early in 
December 1428 he had recommended the people of Troyes and 
the neighbourhood to sow beans, " Sow beans, good people, sow 
plenty of beans ; for he who should come is coming, and the hour 
is short." Who was coming ? Antichrist or the Dauphin ? Beans 
from the time of Pythagoras have been mystical vegetables ; but 
the literal people, determined to " give him beans," whoever he 
might be, took Brother Richard at his word, and the country round 
Troyes had been fragrant with bean flowers. The Brother, like 
Bedford, at this time regarded Jeanne as " a limb of the Devil," 
perhaps a female Antichrist. 

Meanwhile the people of Reims and the people of Troyes, as 
bold as lions, assured each other that they would never admit the 


Dauphin, but '* cleave to the King" (Henry VI) and the Duke of 
Burgundy till their dying day, " inclusively." 

These gallant resolutions boded ill for the Dauphin ; he could 
not be provisioned at Troyes, he could not turn it ; and he could not, 
being a hundred miles from his base, leave Troyes in his rear. 
He summoned the town on July 5. Jeanne dictated a letter to 
the people ; they must recognise their rightful Lord, who was 
moving on Paris by way ot Reims, with the aid of King Jesus. If 
they do not yield, the Dauphin will none the less enter their city. 
The Maid, ptoliporthos as Odysseus, had a way of fulfilling her 

On the same day the people of Troyes forwarded these letters 
to them of Reims. For their part they " have sworn on the 
precious Body of Jesus Christ to resist to the death." Bold bur- 
gesses ! In the afternoon they wrote again. The Dauphin's army 
now lay round their walls : heralds had brought his letters, but all 
in Troyes — the Lords, the men-at-arms, the burgesses — had sworn 
not to admit the enemy, except by express command of the Duke 
of Burgundy, to whom their letters are to be forwarded. They 
then armed " and went to man the walls," resolute to keep their 
oath in defiance of death. Of the Maid they spoke with the 
utmost contempt, calling her a coquarde, which is certainly not 
intended as a compliment ; and a mad woman, possessed of the 
Devil, whose letter, which they had burned, " is neither rhyme nor 
reason " [navoit ni ryme ny raison). They have caught a Corde- 
lier (Brother Richard), who says that he has seen burgesses of 
Reims intriguing with the Dauphin. 

Meanwhile the people of Chalons wrote to them of Reims, 
saying that they hear Brother Richard, previously reckoned un tres 
bon prudhomme, has turned his coat, and carried letters from Jeanne, 
but the brave people of Troyes are fighting furiously against the 
Dauphin ! The Dauphin, in a letter of July 4, had promised the 
people of Troyes to be good Lord to them if they submitted, and 
he would send a herald, and receive the townsfolk, should they wish 
to send a deputation. (Dated from Brinon l'Archevesque.) On 


July 8 the burgesses of Reims sent a letter to the captain of their 
town, then at Chateau-Thierry. They mean to fight, unless he or 
his lieutenant recommends submission. The captain said he 
would return and lead them, if he had assurance of a sufficient 
force. He rode to Reims ; but, as he could only promise a Bur- 
gundian army of relief within six weeks, he and his men-at-arms 
were not admitted within the town. News of an army of 8000 
English landed, and of the cutting of the Dauphin's lines of com- 
munication, was received at Reims with incredulity. 

It was clear enough that, if Troyes held out, the Dauphin could 
not advance ; and if Troyes did not hold out, the Dauphin would 
meet no opposition at Reims. All hung on the conduct of the 
lion-hearted men of Troyes. But, to follow our pro-Burgundian 
author, the Dauphin had meanwhile (June 8) received the Bishop 
of Troyes, and promised an amnesty, and good government " like 
that of King Louis," if Troyes would submit. Hereon, moved by 
the mention of St. Louis, of the amnesty, relief from a garrison, 
and from all aids except the gabelle, the bold burgesses took the 
liberty of breaking their oaths sworn on the sacred body of the 
Lord, they submitted, and advised the people of Reims to submit. 

But the brother of the captain of Reims wrote that the nobles 
and the garrison of Troyes remained resolute till Brother Richard, 
after meeting Jeanne, debauched the townsfolk. They would no 
longer hear of resistance ; but the garrison, as at the capitulation of 
Beaugency, retired with horses, arms, and a silver mark by way 
of ransom for each of their prisoners. The squire who brought 
this letter from Troyes to Chatillon said that he had seen the 
Maid, " a stupider he never saw, she was nothing to Madame 
d'Or," — an athletic lady of pleasure at the Burgundian Court. 
Opinions differ about Madame d'Or ! One historian says that 
she " was a female fool or jester, a dwarf no higher than a boot." 
For this he cites Simeon Luce, who, on the other hand, describes 
Madame d'Or as a gymnast of incomparable beauty, nimbleness, 
and athletic vigour, and he suspects that the golden abundance of 
her hair was the cause of the foundation of the Burgundian Order 


of the Golden Fleece. Une moult gracieuse folle is a contemporary 
description. M. Vallet de Viriville, however, represents her as one 
of the visionaries with whom he groups Jeanne d' Arc ! 

As late as 1620, or about that date, local patriotism inspired 
Rogier, the custodian of the town's manuscripts of Reims, to give 
this account of the surrender of Troyes. The Maid, we have seen, 
according to Rogier, played no part in the affair. The resolute 
townsfolk simply 

"Vowing they would ne'er consent, consented." 

But why did they consent ? We can trace, from other evidence, 
the real course of events, which was as follows : To La Tremoi'lle 
and the distrustful and craven favourites of the King, the army 
seemed destined to make a speedy and ludicrous retreat ; it could 
never reach Reims, nor even venture beyond Troyes. The celebrity 
of its fortifications and the absolute lack of siege material in 
the Royal army protected Troyes from serious menace ; while to 
capture Auxerre was merely to irritate the Duke of Burgundy, 
with whom the advisers of Charles persisted in trying to negotiate. 
Jeanne, on the contrary, with the certainty of instinct, insisted on 
an assault, while La Tremoi'lle, as we saw, is averred to have been 
bought over to prevent it. 

Auxerre was left in the rear, and as for Troyes, on July 5 
Jeanne, with the advanced guard, had appeared before that city. 
A few useless shots were fired from the walls, a few hundreds of 
the garrison sallied forth, and the usual escarmouche resulted. 
Then the army encamped about the town, living mainly on the 
beans sown to please Brother Richard, and almost without bread. 
The delay was likely to end in a retreat : it is not certain that the 
Dauphin arrived at the front before July 8. The army was without 
money and supplies, and was nearly a hundred miles from its base, 
at Gien. In Troyes, men were swearing awful oaths to die rather 
than surrender. 

Probably on July 8 the Archbishop of Reims, in Council, ad- 
vanced all these and other reasons for retiring : they seem good 


strategic reasons enough. The Dauphin bade the Archbishop 
take the opinions of the Council. Almost all decided that, as the 
King had failed to enter Auxerre, a place not nearly so strong as 
Troyes, retreat was the only policy. The Archbishop, when 
collecting the votes of the Council, arrived at de Treves, that is, 
Robert Macon, a veteran in politics who had once been Chancellor. 
He advised that the Maid should be consulted, especially as the 
Dauphin, without money, had undertaken by her advice an adven- 
ture that did not seem possible. Le Macon may have wished to see 
how the Maid would extricate herself from the quandary, probably 
he expected to have the laugh on his side. Jeanne was called in 
and made her usual salutation to her prince. The Archbishop 
addressed her, pointing out the many difficulties, and the necessity 
of retreat. 

" Do you believe all this, gentle Dauphin ? " she said, turning 
to Charles. 

" If you have anything profitable and reasonable to say, you 
will be trusted." 

" Gentle King of France, if you are ready to wait beside your 
town of Troyes, in two days it will be brought to your allegiance." 

" Jeanne," said the Archbishop, " we could wait for six days, if 
we were certain to have the town ; but is it certain ? " 

" Doubt it not ! " said the Maid. 

She mounted, she rode through the host, she organised supplies 
of faggots, doors, tables, and so forth, as the English had done at 
Meun, to serve as shelters in the attack, and to screen such guns 
as they had : heavy guns of position they must have lacked. 

Dunois, who was present, says : " She showed wonderful energy, 
doing more than two or three of the most practised and famous 
captains could have done ; and she so worked all night that next 
day the Bishop and townsfolk, in fear and trembling, made their 
submission." The citizens " had lost hope, they sought refuge, and 
fled into the churches." What could the burgesses do? In the 
early morning they saw the preparations for storming ; they saw 
a slim figure in white armour with a patch upon the shoulder 


plate, where the arrow had found its way at Orleans. " A V assault ! " 
cried the girl's voice, and she made the sign of throwing faggots 
into the fosse. It was enough. The citizens sent the Bishop to 
profess their obedience, and make the best terms possible. The 
Bishop was on the side of the loyalists, and had a good deal of 

These incidents in which Jeanne took part are those which the 
patriotic archivist of Reims omitted from his account of the sur- 
render of men sworn on the sacrament to die rather than yield. 
What Jeanne did at Troyes she would have done at Auxerre. It 
was not difficult to terrify the bold burgesses, but the surprising 
fact is that a girl was left to suggest the enterprise. According 
to Dunois, the Council hesitated between attempting a siege and 
merely passing by towards Reims, a military blunder of the first 
rank. The girl knew more of human nature and of the elementary 
rules of war than all the famous captains. She had confidence, and 
she won the day. But for her, the Dauphin would have sneaked 
back to Gien, and would not have won scores of cities and castles, 
much lamented by Bedford. The Maid had saved the situation. 

Jeanne had an ally in the popular preacher, Brother Richard. 
She herself says that the people of Troyes (who thought her an 
idiot, as they wrote to the people of Reims) really deemed her 
a fiend. They sent Brother Richard, whom she had never seen 
before, with holy water to exorcise her. When he came within 
the range of his clerical artillery, he threw the water at her and 
made the sign of the cross. She answered, laughing, " Take heart 
and come on ! I will not fly away." She had faced holy water 
before, at Vaucouleurs. According to a report which reached La 
Rochelle, Brother Richard knelt before the Maid as if she were 
some holy thing. She herself then knelt, meaning that she claimed 
no more sanctity than his own. The Brother then went into the 
town and preached some enthusiastic nonsense. The Maid, he 
said, could lift all the army over the walls, apparently as the father 
of Alexandre Dumas threw an assaulting force, man by man, over 
a palisade. If all this is true, and if the people of Troyes were 


foolish enough to believe Brother Richard, he was a useful man 
in his station. Later he became troublesome, attempting to direct 
Jeanne, who never in her life allowed herself to be directed by any 
of his shaven sort, and who had directed him. 

The King entered the town (July 9) in splendour. He forbade 
pillaging. The Maid held a child at the font in baptism, as she was 
frequently asked to do. The boys she named Charles, to the girls 
she gave her own name. If the march to Reims was a military error, 
she saved it from being a ludicrous fiasco. No historical verdict is 
so false as that which pronounces her to have been a dreamy 
visionary, " perpetually hallucinated," and seldom fully conscious 
of her surroundings. She displayed triumphant sense and resolu- 
tion. Her feat of marching to Reims and taking the towns on 
the road was one which, in the following years, Burgundy advised 
the Duke of Bedford not to attempt to imitate, it was too difficult 
and perilous. 

From Troyes the Archbishop of Reims wrote to the people 
of his town, bidding them to submit. The next important stage 
was Chalons. The Bishop submissively met the Dauphin, who 
entered the town on July 14. Here the Maid met a Domremy 
man, Jean Morel, to whom she gave a red robe which she herself 
was wearing. She also met Gerardin d'Epinal, whom, at Domremy, 
she had disliked for his Burgundian politics. " I would tell you 
something, compere, if you were not Burgundian," she had once 
said to him at home. She meant the fact of her mission, but he 
thought she alluded to her approaching marriage, perhaps with the 
ambitious young man who haled her before the official at Toul. 
At Chalons she said to d'Epinal that she " feared nothing but be- 
trayal." We do not know whether she meant treachery in the 
field, or, as she had too good reason to fear, in diplomacy. She may 
already have known that the Dauphin's Council were about to 
entangle her in fraudulent negotiations for peace. The people of 
Chalons now wrote to their friends of Reims, saying that they had 
given up the keys of their town, and that the King was gentle, 
compassionate, and handsome, belle personne. 


On July 16 the Dauphin halted at Sept-Saulx and received a 
deputation from Reims. They were full of loyalty, and he 
marched into their town. Throughout the night the priests and 
people were busily preparing for the coronation. The sainte am- 
poule with the holy oil of St. Remigius was polished and, we may 
presume, replenished. The cathedral treasury was ransacked for 
a crown : Charles was apt to pawn the fleurons of his crown, and 
for that or some other reason did not bring it with him to 

A curious point arises here in connection with the crown. On 
the fifth of her examinations by her judges (March I, 143 1), a 
great effort was made to extract from her " the King's secret," the 
"sign given to the King," at Chinon, in March 1429. She refused 
to answer, saying, " Go and ask him." She was then asked, " Had 
her King a crown when he was at Reims?" The judges had 
heard some story about a crown, and they seem to have thought 
that it was connected with the King's secret. 

The Maid answered, " As I believe, the King gladly received 

that crown which he found at Reims, but later a very rich crown 

was brought to him. And he did this " (he put up with the crown 

in the cathedral treasury of Reims) "so as to hasten his business, 

and at the request of the people of the town, who wished to avoid 

Ithe burden of providing for the army." Charles, in fact, was 

crowned on July 17, on the day after his arrival, and had to use the 

crown in the treasury. "And, if he had waited," said Jeanne, "he 

would have had a crown of a thousand-fold richer." This richer 

crown was brought to him too late for the ceremony (fuit ei apportata 

post ipsuni). The King, in fact, remained for several days at Reims, 

and the rich crown may have been brought to him there, or later. 

There is nothing symbolical or mystic in the Maid's replies as 

regards this piece of jewelry. Father Ayroles, however, supposed 

that she spoke allegorically about the increase of power which the 

King would have received after his consecration, if, in place of 

returning to the Loire, he had listened to the Maid, — and marched 

on Paris. 


This is an impossible theory ; for, not to mention other objec- 
tions, the King did get the rich crown, though not in time for the 
ceremony ; while, of all things, the Maid wished him not to wait 
at Reims, but to march on the capital. M. Anatole France gives 
a different explanation. " In one of her dreams Jeanne had seen 
herself giving a splendid crown to her King ; she expected to see 
this crown brought into the church by heavenly messengers." 

For this M. France cites a passage which contains not a word 
about the matter. He later returns to the subject, and insists that 
Jeanne went about telling cock-and-bull stories of how she gave a 
crown to the King. 

Still, the judges had heard something about a crown and a 
secret, whence came their interrogation. Now, in an Italian news- 
letter of mid- July 1429, a letter full of fabulous horrors and a 
massacre at Auxerre, there is a curious tale. The Maid demanded 
from the Bishop of Clermont, Chancellor in 1428, a crown, that of 
St. Louis, which, she declared, was in his possession. The Bishop 
said (like M. France) that " she had dreamed a false dream " 
(s'aveva mal insoniadd). Again the Maid asked for the crown, — 
and a heavy shower of hail fell at Clermont A third time she 
wrote to the people of Clermont. A worse thing would befall them 
if the crown were not restored. She described the precise fashion 
and form of the crown ; and the Bishop, seeing that all was known, 
" ordered the crown to be sent to the King and the Maid." 
M. Lefevre-Pontalis, editor of these Italian news-letters, remarks 
that by "the Bishop of Clermont," ex-Chancellor, the actual 
Chancellor, the Archbishop of Reims, is meant. " Is the story," he 
asks, " the deformation of some unknown fact, neglected by con- 
temporary witnesses, which instantly won its way into legend ? " 

This appears, from the evidence of Jeanne just cited, to be the 
true explanation. There was a rich crown which was not present 
at the coronation, but was later brought to the King. She added 
that, without committing perjury, she could not say whether she 
had seen that crown or not. 

It is a pleasing and romantic hypothesis that Jeanne, thanks to 

vi&ajde^ P2Z. 


her Voices, detected the Archbishop of Reims in keeping back, to 
serve his private ends, a crown of which he had possession, and 
made him restore the jewel, though not in time for the coronation. 
He was thought avaricious, and is said to have shown that 
" good old gentlemanly vice " on this occasion. 

Among the gifts bestowed by the King on the Chapter of 
Reims after his sacring, were a vase of silver and a purse contain- 
ing thirteen newly struck golden medals. In 1664, La Colombiere 
writes that he has seen a golden medal struck after the coronation, 
in honour of Jeanne, with the device of the Maid, a hand holding 
a sword, and the inscription Consilio firmata Dei (strong in the 
counsel of God). The medal was possibly struck for the corona- 
tion, and examples may have been given to the Chapter of Reims. 
These gifts to the Chapter the Archbishop seized as his own 
perquisites, but restored them on September 5, when it was demon- 
strated by precedents that they were the property of the Chapter. 

It does not follow that the Archbishop was also keeping back 
a rich Royal jewel, a crown, and was obliged to restore it after 
the ceremony. But there was a secret in the affair, though the 
secret seems to peep out in the Italian news-letter with mythical 
embroidery. If Jeanne knew, and revealed to the King, the secret 
of this Jackdaw of Reims, it is no marvel that the Archbishop later 
attacked her character. 

The important fact, however, hitherto unnoticed, is, that Jeanne, 
seeing the minds of her judges running on a crown and a secret, at 
her trial {after the examination of March 1), veiled the actual 
King's secret in an allegory about a crown brought by an angel. 
We here find the origin of the allegory, it was suggested by the 
interrogatories ; and she succeeded in concealing the King's secret. 

The ceremony of the coronation began at nine o'clock of the 
morning of July 17. It is described in a letter of that day, sent 
by Pierre de Beauvais and two other gentlemen to the Queen and 
the Queen of Sicily. " A right fair thing it was to see that fair 
mystery, for it was as solemn and as well adorned with all things 
thereto pertaining, as if it had been ordered a year before," First, 


all in armour, and with banners displayed, the Marechal de Boussac, 
with de Rais, Gravile, and the Admiral, and a great company, rode 
to meet the Abbot, who brought the sainte ampoule. They rode 
into the minster, and alighted at the entrance to the choir. The 
Archbishop of Reims administered the Coronation oath, he crowned 
and anointed the King; while all the people cried Noel I "and the 
trumpets sounded so that you might think the roofs would be rent. 
And always during that mystery the Maid stood next the King, 
her standard in her hand. A right fair thing it was to see the 
goodly manners of the King and the Maid." DAlbret held the 
Sword of State ; d'Alencon dubbed the King a Knight : Guy de 
Laval was created a Count. When the Dauphin had been crowned 
and consecrated, the Maid kneeling, embraced his knees, weeping 
for joy, and saying these words, " Gentle King, now is accomplished 
the Will of God, who decreed that I should raise the siege of 
Orleans and bring you to this city of Reims to receive your solemn 
sacring, thereby showing that you are the true King, and that 
France should be yours." 

"And right great pity came upon all those who saw her, and 
many wept." 

Nunc dimittis ! 

Great pity came upon all who saw her, and heard her simple 
words. She had, in less than three months, fulfilled the dream of 
her sacred childhood ; she had accomplished the tasks which, Dunois 
says, were all that she seriously professed to be in her mission. 
Nunc dimittis ! 

The shadow had already begun to go back on the dial. She 
was no more to be accepted and trusted : the politicians took the 
game in hand, and slow was the deliverance of France that the 
deliverer foretold and foresaw, but never saw. 

Thwarted as she was by the King and Council, she could not 
take Paris. But how can we sufficiently admire the acuteness 
of historical critics who maintain that Jeanne was a mere visionary, 
one of a feeble folk ; that she accomplished nothing which was 
not easily to be done. In March the cause of the Dauphin 


and of Orleans had seemed, to disinterested observers, desperate. 
Could they have read Bedford's despatches to his Government 
they would have known that it was not so. But, in the eyes of 
Dunois himself, England must win by mere prestige. The line 
of the Loire must be broken, Orleans must fall, the Dauphin must 
be driven from town to town. The Maid came, and in less 
than three months it was Bedford who thought the cause of 
England all but desperate. The Maid came and won the race 
to Reims, where the English desired to crown their child King. 
The prestige of Charles was so enhanced that, despite his delays, 
the faineant recovered towns around Paris, and so nearly choked 
the life-breath of the capital. These towns were not lost again ; 
the blows dealt by the impulse of the Maid, according to Bedford's 
own evidence, given four years later, were paralysing, and were 
practically fatal. Jeanne dealt these blows by dint of that un- 
paralleled force of will, that tenacity of purpose, which could not 
exist in the puzzled " ductible " girl, ondoyante et dive?'se, easily 
led, easily "directed," easily distracted, who does duty for Jeanne 
d'Arc in the fancy of some modern historians. 

A curious little domestic incident occurred at Reims. The 
father of the Maid, Jacques d'Arc, came hither to see his daughter 
in her glory, and received a considerable present in money from 
the King. Jacques appears to have thought that he could get 
more enjoyment for his money in Reims, a town famous for 
its wines, than at home in Domremy. So he stayed on till 
September 18, taking his ease at his inn, VAne Ray^. The good 
town then paid his bill to Alice Moreau, a widow who kept the 
hostelry in front of the Cathedral, and a horse was provided for 
his journey back to Domremy. 

One cannot but suspect that there were convivial elements in 
the character of this austere sire. 


The Italian news-writer represents the Bishop of Clermont 
(meaning the Archbishop of Reims) as keeping back the crown 


of St. Louis. The only crown of St. Louis known to me is now 
in the possession of the Royal family of Saxony : it was given 
by the Saint to the Dominicans of Liege. There are eight heavy 
fleurons of gold, with an angel in silver between each of them. 
It contained a piece of the true Cross, and is richly studded with 
rubies, sapphires, emeralds, and Graeco-Roman gems. Is it con- 
ceivable that the Dominicans of Liege sent this crown to be 
used at the coronation, but that it came too late ? There is a 
copy of it in the Victoria and Albert Museum. 


The shadow fell across the path of the Maid and of de Laval, 
d'Alengon, and the rest of her friends, on the very day of the 
coronation (July 17). It had been intended that the King v] 
should on July 18 march against Paris. Bedford knew this, 
as we saw, and announced the fact to the English Council in 
London. On July 17, at Reims, Pierre de Beauvais sent the same 
tidings to the Queen of France and her mother. 

But on this very day of July 17 came to Reims an embassy 
from the Duke of Burgundy, professedly to negotiate peace. 
Beauvais announced the arrival of the embassy ; Pope Pius II 
describes it in his Memoirs. The Maid herself had been anxious 
for peace with Burgundy ; with the English there could be no 
peace, she said, till they returned to their own country. Her 
ideas on that subject were perfectly clear; not so those of her 
King and his foolish advisers. They were the dupes of a dream 
about peace with England. Jeanne had written to the Duke on 
June 27, and her letter had been slighted ; she dictated another 
letter to him from Reims on the day of the coronation. " Jeanne 
the Maid desires you, High and redoubtable Prince, in the name 
of the King of Heaven, her rightful Lord, to make a long, good, 
and assured peace with the King of France. . . . Prince of 
Burgundy, in all humility I pray, implore, and beseech you to 
make war no more on the holy kingdom of France. ... All 
those who fight against the holy kingdom of France fight against 

the Lord Jesus, King of Heaven and of the whole world. ... I 



pray and beseech you with joined hands, war not against us. . . ." 
The Joan of Arc of Shakespeare may be more eloquent, but not 
more earnest. 

"See, see the pining malady of France; 
Behold the wounds, the most unnatural wounds, 
Which thou thyself hast given her woful breast ! 
Oh, turn thy edged sword another way ; 
Strike those that hurt, and hurt not those that help ! " 

The Duke was not the man to heed the Maid, and the peace 
which she desired was a fatal diplomatic deception. Charles 
wasted four days at Reims with the Burgundian envoys (till 
July 21), while Cardinal Beaufort on July 15 was marching his 
3500 Englishmen from Calais to Paris. Bedford had hastened 
from Paris to meet them. Already the Duke of Burgundy 
was concentrating and equipping forces to hold Paris against 
the King: he acknowledged, on July 8, the receipt of 20,000 
livres tournois from the English Council. On July 14 he 
had the old story of the murder of Jean sans Peur raked up 
in a great assembly in Paris ; the populace was stirred to hatred 
of Charles VII ; the Duke lamented his bereavement, and all swore 
loyalty to Bedford. Three days later the Duke's envoys were 
pretending to make peace with Charles VII at Reims ! It seems 
incredible that King and Council could be deceived by such 
open dissimulation. Burgundy was concentrating his army near 
Amiens. By July 25, Bedford and his English army had entered 
Paris. Burgundy, while pretending to make peace, was sending 
to Bedford recruits from Picardy. 

Three invaluable days had been stolen by Burgundy, and the 
unhappy assembly of a Convention at Arras, for Franco-Burgun- 
dian negotiations in August, had probably been mooted. At 
this Convention, or later, airy promises were held up to Charles. 
England might come into the peace, and restore to France the 
captive Due d'Orl^ans ! It appears that French forces had 
extorted a delayed capitulation from Evreux, the key of Normandy, 
in June-July; but the French delays, and the expeditious tactics 


of Bedford, ruined this opportunity, itself due, probably, to the 
energy of the Constable and La Hire. 

Leaving Reims, then, on July 21, the King and the Maid, 
after the traditional journey to St. Marcoul, where Charles touched 
for "the King's evil" (scrofula), entered Soissons on July 23. 
" The Maid," says de Cagny, " caused the King to advance on 
Paris." Meanwhile the important town of Compiegne, north- 
east of Paris, a place as strong as Orleans, had been summoned 
(July 22-25) and was negotiating its surrender, as was Chateau 
Thierry, ten leagues south of Paris, a town valuable for its 
fortified bridge across the Marne. A network of rivers surrounded 
the army, and to secure the bridges was all important. Yet from 
Soissons the army, under the deplorable influence of the King's 
favourites, was to beat a retreat towards his beloved lurking-places 
on the Loire. They had every intention of deserting the great 
enterprise, already rendered more arduous by the English rein- 
forcement of Paris. 

On August 1, Charles crossed the Marne at Chateau Thierry. 
He did not march on Compiegne, ready as it was to receive him, 
or through the plains of the Valois, by Crepy and Senlis ; he 
turned due south, towards his dear Loire, as he would have fallen 
back on the Loire from Troyes if the Maid had not terrified 
Troyes into a capitulation. He stayed at Chateau Thierry from 
July 29 to August 1 : on the last day of July, " in favour and at 
the request of our beloved Jeanne the Maid," he granted remission 
of taxation to her native villages, Domremy and Greux. This 
boon endured into the reign of Louis XV. 

" Turning first the flank then the rear of his army towards 
Paris, dragging with him the despairing Maid, the King headed 
for the Loire." On August 2 he was at Frovins, and might hope 
to secure, for his southward retreat, the bridge of Bray, above 
Montereau. Hereabouts he dawdled till August 5 or 6. 

The Maid's emotions are expressed in a letter to Reims, dated 
"August 5, on the Paris road." She tries to reassure the folk of 
Reims, in face of the fears naturally caused by the southward march 


of the King, deserting his own cause, and leaving Reims, Soissons, 
and other cities at the mercy of Burgundy. " Dear and good 
friends, good and loyal Frenchmen, the Maid sends you news of 
her . . . never will I abandon you while I live. True it is that the 
King has made a fifteen days' truce with the Duke of Burgundy, 
who is to give up to him the town of Paris peacefully on the 
fifteenth day." 

The date of this armistice and promise is unknown. Could 
Charles and his advisers, dupes as they were, be so easily gulled 
by the Duke of Burgundy; and if they did expect him to 
surrender Paris in a few days, why were they heading for the 
Loire ? Or did they tell a false tale to the Maid merely for the 
purpose of soothing her ? She was not always an easy dupe, as 
she showed in the case of the concealed tactics of a feint on St. 
Laurent, at Orleans ; nor was she deceived now. " Although the 
truce is made, I am not content, and am not certain that I will 
keep it. If I do, it will be merely for the sake of the King's 
honour, and in case they do not deceive the blood royal, for I will 
keep the King's army together and in readiness, at the end of the 
fifteen days, if peace is not made." She did that. She bids the 
people of Reims to trust her, to be of good heart, and to let her 
know if there are traitors among them. 

She takes a very high tone, as the accredited emissary of 
Heaven. Every one told her that she had brought the army 
together (as, in fact, she was the cause of its gathering) ; and though 
it was the King's army, she speaks as if she were superior in 
authority. In fact, it was she, with the young knights who loved 
and stood by her, that did keep the army together. If her tone 
seems too high, let us remember that she was only a girl of seven- 
teen, and that, apart from her intercourse with heavenly beings, 
her successes had been unparalleled, while her ideas were those of 
sound common sense : military and political tactics alike dictated 
a march on Paris; but the first principles of war were disregarded 
by her deluded King. It has been asserted that "the army 
was starving, and found no supplies in these ravaged plains and 


pillaged cities. Want of food caused the preparations to retreat 
and regain Poitou." But " food never failed while the Maid was 
in the field during this campaign," says a contemporary. The 
explanation of the designed retreat thus explains nothing, and 
nothing in the character of Charles's master, La TremoTlle, makes 
it improbable that he had been bought by the Duke of Burgundy, 
with whom his kinsfolk were in close relations. As for the 
Duke, far from intending to hand over Paris to the King, he 
was aiding Bedford, as we saw, both with men and money, and 
"calling in great armed levies of his subjects and allies." 

The tactics of the Maid were the only right tactics : no inspira- 
tion was needed to conceive them. But she could not save her 
King against his will, nor would she raise her standard against his 
will. By August 3, Reims had taken alarm, had learned that 
Charles meant to desert the path to Paris, and on August 4, Reims 
sent the news to Chalons and Laon. 

It is an extraordinary proof of the casual ways of war in the 
fifteenth century, that little or no attention was being paid to the 
fortifications of Paris. Ever since Pathay (June 18) the city had 
lain open to a coup de main. Bedford had shown a fretting anxiety ; 
his letters to the English Privy Council reveal it, especially his 
letter of July 16. But it is not till the first week of September 
that the Journal of a clerkly Burgundian in Paris (usually called the 
Bourgeois de Paris) contains an entry of a really serious beginning 
made in strengthening the gates and the outworks or boulevards. 

From Paris, on August 3, Cardinal Beaufort, with his personal 
attendants, set out on the return to Rouen. The journey, if the 
French leaders had shown the slightest energy in sending out 
mounted patrols, ought to have brought Beaufort into their hands. 
On August 4, Bedford assumed the offensive defensive, and led 
the Cardinal's crusaders against the French army in Brie. By the 
dawn of August 6, Charles, indisposed to meet Bedford, was in 
the neighbourhood of Provins, intending to cross the Seine by 
the bridge of Bray. But, during the night, Bedford's men had 
occupied the bridge-head with a strong Anglo-Burgundian force. 


The party of Jeanne, including Rene, Due de Bar, who had 
joined the King, the Comte de Vendome, and Guy de Laval, were 
glad that the retreat to the Loire was cut off, " for the determina- 
tion to retreat was contrary to their will and desire," and to the 
tactics of "the other captains and leaders." 

Against their will the favourites of the King now found them- 
selves marching nearer Paris, back to Chateau Thierry, and to 
Crepy-en-Valois and Ferte\ The people, says Dunois, came out 
to welcome their King with joyous cries of Noel ! (August io-ii). 
According to a modern critic, " if the little saint (Jeanne) had 
listened at the doors of their unfurnished houses," she would have 
found them grumbling that " it was better to serve Saracens than 
Christians," so miserable was their condition, so wretched and 
ruined was their country. The records of the chapel of St. 
Catherine at Fierbois teem, indeed, with stories of the cruelties of 
war, during a century ; the veil is lifted, and forgotten miseries are 
displayed. But the people of the Valois may well have believed 
that the King and the Maid had come, as by miracle, to end their 
sorrows, which really were to stretch in front of them and their 
descendants, while the Royal was at war with the feudal power. 

In any case, between Cr^py and Ferte' the Maid was riding 
between Dunois and the Archbishop of Reims. " Here is a good 
people," she said, being as hopeful as themselves. " Never have I 
seen any so glad of the coming of the noble King. Would that I, 
when my time comes, were so fortunate as to be buried in their 
country " ; — she that was never to receive " the dear, the desired 
embraces of our Mother Earth ! " 

"Jeanne, in what place do you expect to die?" asked the 
Archbishop, who may have thought that she supposed herself to 
have had knowledge from her Counsel. Legends were current of 
a prophecy of her own that she would fall in battle in the Holy 
Land. Her only prediction as to herself was that she " would last 
but a year or little more," not that she would die. 

" Where God pleases," said she, who, had she known, would 
none the less have gone to meet her fate. " I know not the hour 


or the place more than you know. And would that it were God's 
pleasure that I might now lay down my arms and go back to 
serve my father and mother, in keeping their sheep, with my sister 
and my brothers, that would be right glad to see me. ,J 

Two of the Maid's brothers had been with her since her military 
enterprise began, and we do not learn that she had a sister living, 
though at Ceffonds she had a brother and a sister-in-law, often 
styled " sister " in these days. The memory of Dunois must have 
been imperfect. She did not say (nor does Dunois make her 
say) that she thought her mission was ended. She never looked 
on it as ended ; could she have escaped from prison at any time 
in 143 1, she would have taken up arms again. But in that hour 
she wished that God's will had set her free to return to her father 
and mother. It was a natural and touching sentiment, which, 
among the thwarting delays of the politicians, may often have filled 
her heart. For more than a year, nay, for ever, she was engaged 
in one unceasing struggle against the disbelief and slackness of 
men ; often she was weary, often in prayer and in tears. But her 
tenacity was indomitable ; by mere force of will she had dragged 
her King to victory ; her will was perhaps the greatest marvel 
among the many marvellous endowments of this girl of seventeen. 

The abjectly sluggish character of the King was at this time as 
far below as the energy of the Maid was above the ordinary level. 
He received from Bedford a letter of calculated brutality, charged 
with insults which might have fired the heart of a coward. Bedford 
had the insolence to accuse Charles of being the cause of all the 
misery in France, of all the wretchedness produced by the ground- 
less claims of England. He challenged the King to name a place 
of meeting, in the Brie country where both armies then were, or in 
the He de France. He addresses his royal enemy as, " you who 
were wont to style yourself Dauphin, and now call yourself King." 
He upbraids Charles with the crime of Montereau ; he reproaches 
him with leading about " defamed and superstitious folk, a woman 
without character and disorderly in her life, dressed like a man, 
and an apostate and mendicant friar " ; (Brother Richard) " both, 


according to Holy Scripture, are hateful to God." The men of 
the House of Lancaster, who rose to the throne by robbery and 
murder, hoped to retain it by religious persecution. Perhaps no 
hypocrite is consciously hypocritical, and the thieves of two crowns 
were valiant men and deeply religious. 

In this letter, obviously written for the purpose of forcing 
Charles to fight in open field, or rather, perhaps, with the design 
of inducing him to repeat the wild charge of Rouvray against a 
fortified camp, Bedford certainly did nothing to increase the terrors 
of his own soldiers, as has been strangely argued. It has been said 
that Bedford transforms the Maid " into a superhuman creature, 
terrible, appalling, a phantom risen from hell, before whom the 
bravest might have turned pale." Bedford was not so foolish. 
He spoke of the Maid not as a phantom from hell, but as a dis- 
solute superstitious virago in male dress. In private, as when he 
much later (1433) addressed the English Government, he attributes 
the disasters of their armies to " unlawful doubt that they had of 
a disciple and lyme of the Fiend, called the Pucelle, that used false 
enchantment and sorcery. The which stroke and discomfiture not 
only lessened in great part the number of your people there" (at 
Orleans), " but as well withdrew the courage of the remnant in 
marvellous wise, and encouraged your adverse party and enemy 
to assemble them forthwith in great number." The English, since 
the beginning of May, had constantly assured the Maid that they 
would burn her whenever they could catch her. This threat 
merely increased her eagerness to meet that amiable and pious 
people at the closest possible quarters. " I cry, ' Go in among the 
English, and I go in myself!'" But her King was not to be stung 
by insults into any such valour. 

Bedford wrote to Charles from Montereau, which he left on 
August 7, returning to Paris. The French army on August 13 
was between Crepy and Paris; the English army lay between 
Paris and Dammartin. From August 14 to August 16 the forces 
faced each other, the English resting on Senlis, which they still 
held ; the French on the height of Mont<£pilloy, on the road from 


Cr^py to Senlis. On the evening of August 14, d'Alencon, 
Vendome, the Maid, and other captains, with some 6000 men, 
passed the night at Montepilloy. The English are reckoned at 
from 8000 to 9000. A few slight skirmishes resulted in the 
evening. Next day the French heard Mass in the fields (it was 
the day of the Assumption of the Virgin), and rode forth, expecting 
battle. La Hire led a force of cavalry, but they found the 
English in an entrenched and palisaded laager, with a river as a 
moat in the rear. Bedford, after all, was not anxious for a 
chivalrous engagement in fair field. He had the advantage of 
numbers as well as of a fortified position, and probably hoped to 
tempt the French to renew the gallant blunder of Rouvray. But 
the French were not so foolish as to attack a stronger force behind 
earthworks and palisades, nor could they tempt the English to 
leave their hold except by way of skirmishing. 

" When the Maid saw that the English would not sally forth, 
she rode standard in hand to the front and smote the English 
palisade." They were not to be stung into action, and she with- 
drew the advanced guard to the main body of the French army. 
D'Alencon and she sent a message that they would retire and give 
the English a fair field to deploy in : the English did not accept 
the offer ; and probably Monstrelet refers to this when he says that 
she was always in two minds, on this occasion, now to fight, again, 
not to fight. How Monstrelet knew what was in her mind he 
does not inform us. In fact, Jeanne would fight in fair field, 
precisely as Talbot offered to fight the French, if they would come 
down from their hill, on the eve of Pathay. She would not ask a 
weaker force to charge the fortifications of a larger army. De 
Cagny, who describes the events, usually makes d'Alencon and the 
Maid the prominent personages. Chartier, the official chronicler, 
gives the command of the largest corps to d'Alencon and Venddme ; 
Ren6, Due de Bar, the Mar^chaux de Rais and de Boussac also 
had commands; the advance guard, which alone was active, was 
led by the Maid, d'Albret, Dunois, La Hire, and other captains. 
The King was-^ within view, ably protected by the heroic Charles 


de Bourbon and the corpulent La Trdmoille. A great deal of 
smoke veiled the skirmishes, which ended at nightfall. James IV 
of Scotland, had he been where Charles was, would have fought 
the foremost in fight, and would have won a glorious death at 
the expense of a decisive defeat. 

It has been suggested that the Maid was in two minds about 
fighting, because it was the Feast of the Assumption ! Men of 
the sword fought when they could, though the judges of the Maid 
hypocritically blamed her for attacking Paris during a festival of 
the Church. 

Bedford next day led his army to Paris, and thence moved 
north to secure Evreux, the key of Normandy, where French 
partisans, probably headed by the Constable, were active and 
dangerous (August 27). The King and the Maid, between August 
18 and August 22, received the submission of Compiegne, Senlis, 
and Beauvais, driving out the Bishop, Pierre Cauchon, who soon 
took " a contented revenge." At this date Monstrelet places the 
pacific mission of the Archbishop of Reims to the Duke of 
Burgundy at Arras. The Archbishop was duped as usual, and 
time was wasted. But the cities gained by the Maid were never 
lost, and greatly endangered Paris. 

At Compiegne, Charles dallied, and (August 28) involved 
himself in the tangles of truces with Burgundy. While con- 
solidating his power in Normandy, Bedford left, to keep Paris, 
2000 Englishmen, with his Chancellor of France, Louis de 
Luxembourg. The King's chief gain was Compiegne, which 
proved as tenaciously loyal, and as sharp a thorn in the side 
of the English, as Orleans. The people chose as commandant 
Guillaume de Flavy, who did his duty by them well ; but Charles 
preferred La TremoYlle, who, by one account, managed to fall 
off his horse in a skirmish at Mont^pilloy, and there unluckily 
escaped capture. De Flavy did the active work as commandant, 
La Tr^moille probably drew the lion's share of the pay. 

While the King and his circle were negotiating with Burgundy 
the strange truces to be later described; while Vendome was 


taking in the city of Senlis, which Bedford did not attempt to 
defend, "The Maid was in sorrow for the King's long tarrying 
at Compiegne; and it seemed that he was content, in his usual 
way, with the grace that God had done him, and would make no 
further enterprise,'' says the d'Alencon chronicler. 

We can penetrate the counsels of the King, always afraid to 
fight, always hoping to buy off the Duke of Burgundy. It was 
the policy of the Archbishop of Reims, and for that matter of the 
Maid, to detach from the English cause the great feudatory of 
France, the Duke of Burgundy, to make peace between all French 
subjects. It was the policy of Burgundy to balance the powers of 
France and England, and to increase his own territories at French 
expense. It was the policy of La Tre^moi'lle to keep Charles in 
his own hand : therein lay his safety from his many foes. But 
as Burgundy was aiding England in every way, a secure peace 
with him could only be obtained " at the point of the lance." 

The day before Jeanne left Compiegne for the attack on 
Paris, a fatal incident occurred. She received a letter from the 
Comte d'Armagnac, asking her advice as to who was the genuine 
Pope. She ought to have answered this question as she had 
answered the medical inquiries of the Due de Loraine, '* It is 
not in my province." Martin v was Pope, but d'Armagnac had 
a private scheme for backing a successor of the anti-Pope Benedict 
XIII, and had been recently excommunicated by Martin. It may 
be that d'Armagnac thought to cover his return to Martin by the 
approval of the Maid, who had no time to consider his letter of 
explanation, but dictated a reply with her foot in the stirrup. 
The Comte had mentioned three possible Popes ; if Jeanne had 
a clerical secretary (she had one Mathelin Raoul, a clerk, but a 
fighting man, wearing armour), he could have told her that only 
Martin was genuine. But she answered that she could give no 
solution of the problem at the moment, nor till she was at peace 
in Paris or elsewhere. He must then send a messenger, " And I 
will let you know in whom you must believe, after I have 
knowledge from the Counsel of my sovereign Lord the King 


of Heaven." Jeanne dictated her reply hastily and without 

Her judges could, and later they did, find her guilty of extreme 
presumption. The clerks held that the Church knew who was 
the true Pope, and Jeanne had no right to pretend to private in- 
formation from Heaven. Her intention, no doubt, was merely to 
return a civil reply to a great prince, but the appearance of her 
words was valuable to her enemies. At her trial, when asked 
whom she took to be true Pope, she asked " Are there two 
Popes?" She remembered little about her letter, and had said 
other things to Armagnac's messenger, whom the soldiers were 
anxious to drown, probably because he was wasting their time. 
Her mind was full of warlike projects. She therefore said to the 
Due d'Alencon, as she had said at Orleans before the attack on 
Meun, " My fair Duke, make ready your men and the men of the 
other captains, for, by my staff {par mon martin), I wish to see 
Paris nearer than I have seen it yet." This lady's oath {par mon 
martin) is often put in the Maid's lips by the d'Alencon chronicler, 
d'Cagny, who, dictating his chronicle seven years later, relied 
on comparatively recent memories, his own and those of his chief 
and their friends : probably, too, he had information from d'Aulon. 

On August 23, dAlencon and the Maid, with a fair company 
of men-at-arms, left the King at Compiegne and joined hands 
with Vendome and the force which had secured Senlis. On 
August 26 they reached St. Denys, the city of the patron saint 
of France, whose name was the warcry of France, whose cathedral 
was the burial-place of her kings, and contained one of the two 
heads of the Martyr. Either head might be regarded with devotion, 
neither was held to be necessarily more authentic than the other. 
We are reminded of the several lace caps, each believed by its 
proprietor to have been worn by Charles I at his execution. In 
the Abbey of Saint Denys lay, unless Bedford had removed it to 
safer quarters, the crown of Charlemagne. At St. Denys, which 
was deserted by people of Anglo-Burgundian opinions, the Maid 
stood godmother to two little Armagnacs, holding them at the font. 


When the Maid had fixed her headquarters at St. Denys, the 
King ruefully departed from Compiegne to Senlis ; " it seemed 
that he was advised against her and the Due d'Alencon and their 
company." It appears that Bedford now withdrew the English 
garrison of Paris, leaving the town in Burgundian hands. 

There were daily skirmishes with the forces in Paris, now in 
one place and now in another. The Maid reconnoitred the great 
town daily, searching with dAlencon for a point of assault, while 
d'Alencon implored the King to come to St. Denys, going to him 
again and again. It was of the first necessity that he should show 
himself before his capital ; but he evaded the duty. Meanwhile, 
on August 28, at Compiegne, an armistice had been concluded 
between Charles and the Duke of Burgundy : the English had 
the right of adhering to it if they chose. The Duke was allowed 
to take under his safeguard all Picardy adjacent to his own 
northern marches, from the Oise to the sea. Charles had leave 
to attack Paris, but the Duke might aid the English with 
Burgundian forces in the town. This is an unintelligible arrange- 
ment, the King of France sanctioning the Duke in keeping him, 
for the sake of England, out of his own capital. But Charles 
hoped that he had bribed Burgundy with the loan of the town 
of Compiegne, — which refused to be lent. 

The armistice of Compiegne (August 28) was to last till 
Christmas Day, and was later prolonged till mid-March or mid- 
April 1430. Charles, we repeat, actually tried to place Compiegne 
in the hands of Burgundy during the truce, because " he desired 
to gratify the said Duke, and withdraw him from the English 
alliance." The Archbishop of Reims and the rest of Charles' 
advisers could not induce the people of Compiegne to submit to 
this proposal. We see the facility of the King and his advisers, 
ready to purchase the goodwill of Burgundy and the security of 
his English allies on any terms, even permitting him to hold and 
defend Paris. In this treaty " Burgundy played the part of 
cunning trickster; France, the part of dupe." Monstrelet, the 
Burgundian chronicler avers that Charles had only to present 


himself at Quentin, Corbie, Amiens, and Abbeville, and many 
other towns and castles, and to be welcomed by the majority of 
the inhabitants. Yet these towns were included in the armistice 
of Compiegne. Never were mortals so easily beguiled as the 
King and his favourites. They may have hoped that the possession 
of Compiegne by Burgundy would estrange Bedford from him, 
as the offer of Orleans, in March-April, had so done to some 
extent. But Compiegne would not play into their hands. 

To explain the Burgundian motives, it is shown that, had Bed- 
ford remained in Paris with his English garrison, the people hated 
the English so much that they would have surrendered to Charles. 
They might not have found it so easy to do that ; but, Paris being 
in Burgundian hands, and the strongest civic party being 
Burgundian, they would resist their enemies, " the Armagnacs." 

It may be argued that these astonishing surrenders by Charles, 
this deliberate rejection of the impetus lent to loyal Frenchmen by 
the events since May, were intended to lead up to a congress for a 
general peace, — a congress at which England would be represented, 
while Burgundy would be favourable to France. But any such suc- 
cessful pacification was a far wilder dream than those which visited 
the Maid at Domremy. Actual inspiration could not speak words 
more true than she uttered before her judges. "As to peace with 
the English, the only peace possible is their return to their own 
country in England, ad patriam suam in AngliaV " There is more 
in the books of my Lord than in the books of the clerks " ; and this 
part of the books of the Lord was legible to those who knew not 
A from B. The counsellors of Charles could not read in them. 
" What advantage could King Charles find in recognising the rights 
of his cousin of Burgundy over Paris ? We cannot see that clearly," 
says an historian who does not favour the wisdom of the Maid. 
The wise were easy dupes ; later, as we shall find, Charles told the 
people of Reims that (where Jeanne had been in the right, in July 
1429) he had been fooled till May 1430. In Paris it was supposed 
that, on August 13, Bedford resigned the Regency of France to 
Burgundy, while retaining the Governorship of Normandy. In 


fact, Burgundy was, on October 13, 1426, made Lieutenant of Paris 
and of many other cities for Henry VI. 

After August 28 the King of France, to conciliate the Duke 
of Burgundy, recognised him as holding Paris against the Maid, 
while the Maid was allowed to attack Paris. Her victory in these 
circumstances would have been a miracle, and an event most 
untoward for her King, whose sole aim was to conciliate the Duke 
of Burgundy. Charles, therefore, prevented the accomplishment of 
the miracle. Among the many marvels of the year 1429, the 
diplomacy of Charles VII was, perhaps, the most abnormal. 

Of course, all parties to these strange treaties were trying to 
deceive each other. The more warlike members of the Council 
of Charles may have trusted to the chance of a military miracle : 
Paris might fall in a day, like the Tourelles at Orleans : only one 
day was allowed for the storming of Paris ! The inner circle of the 
Council clearly thought that no sacrifice was too great to offer at 
the shrine of Burgundy, and they did offer the Maid and her 
prestige. The evidence for all this is irrefutable. Moreover, during 
the weeks passed in being mocked and deceived, the money for 
the support of the army was wasted. 


CONCERNING the attack of the Royal army on Paris, all authorities, 
friendly or hostile, agree that it was a failure only redeemed by the 
splendid courage and tenacity of the Maid. On few other points 
is there agreement. We shall prefer the evidence of Jeanne herself, 
and of a cool observer within the walls of Paris. By both sides 
in the struggle there was an exhibition of the absent-minded 
fashion in which war was understood. " The Maid was never 
consulted," says a recent historian. On this occasion she manifestly 
was not obeyed, for she understood war better than the leaders, 
as will be shown. 

The citizens and clergy of Paris had been sworn by Bedford 
to loyalty on July 14, and again by the Chancellor of France under 
Bedford, Louis de Luxembourg, on August 26. Yet we have 
already seen that the members of the town militia did not begin 
to fortify their gates and outworks till early in September. On 
September 7 the Anglo-Burgundian Government raised money 
from the burgesses and ecclesiastics for the payment of the 
garrison, which appears to have been mainly Burgundian. A 
considerable garrison there must have been ; but even this is denied 
by a Burgundian writer, the " Bourgeois de Paris." D'Alencon 
had summoned the chief citizens by name to surrender, but they 
laughed at his letter. 

If we follow a Burgundian narrator, then in the city, the force 
of the King, under d'Alencon, de Laval, de Gaucourt, d'Albret, 
de Rais, Boussac, and the rest, consisted of 12,000 men, who 

certainly did not all come into action. They had great quantities 



of waggons, charged with faggots and other things wherewith to 
fill up the moat ; but it is certain that, by a strange ignorance 
of war, the attack was made only at one point, between the gates 
St. Honore and St. Denys. We hear of no attack, or even feint 
elsewhere, though d'Alencon had bridged the Seine above Paris, 
and common sense dictated an assault, or at least a feint, on the 
south as well as on the north. 

The truth is that no serious assault was intended by the leaders. 
Men in earnest would have posted their guns and material under 
cloud of night, as the Maid did at Troyes ; would have begun the 
onset with dawn, as the Maid did at the outwork of the Orleans 
bridge-head. On the other hand, the army did not leave its 
quarters for Paris till after breakfast, at eight o'clock, and nothing 
was really attempted till two o'clock in the afternoon. If the 
leaders were in earnest, they certainly did not understand war as 
Jeanne understood it. But were they serious ? Were their heavy 
guns ever in action ? Was their display of siege material meant 
for more than a demonstration of force, to encourage a tumult of 
their partisans within the town ? The Maid herself told her judges 
that she had no orders of the day from her Voices, but " went at 
the request of the nobles, who desired to make une escannouche 
or vaillance, but she was determined to go farther and pass the 
fosses.'' The whole conduct or misconduct of the attempt — the late 
\ start, the general slackness, the puny attack on a single point, the 
^yant of supports in the onslaught (the need of these is emphasised 
in Le Jouvencel, the military romance of the period), corroborate 
the words of the Maid. She vainly tried to turn a demonstration 
into an attack driven home. 

It may be urged that when she thus spoke at her trial, Jeanne 
falsely denied having received any special command from her 
Voices, and falsely reported that the French nobles intended to 
make no serious attack. Her object would be to save the 
character of her Saints, — they had not deceived her, — and to 
minimise the check to the arms of her King. But we have the 
corroborative testimony of a cool observer within the town, the 


contemporary notes of Clement de Fauquemberque, clerk of the 
Parlement of Paris under the English Government. Fauquem- 
berque was a scholar, a man free from ambition. He writes that 
for fifteen years he had been clerk of Parlement, shunning higher 
legal office, in the spirit of Virgil's line, 

11 Maluit et mutas agitare inglorius artes." 

Anglo-Burgundian as he was, he closes his brief notes on the 
career of the Maid with the words, " God have pity and mercy 
on her soul ! " His account of the attempt on Paris agrees 
perfectly with Jeanne's own version, and deserves to be quoted 
in full. 

" On Thursday, September 8, the Feast of the Nativity of 
the Mother of God, the soldiers of Messire Charles de Valois 
assembled in great numbers near the walls of Paris, at the Porte 
Saint Honored rather hoping by a popular ttnnult to oppress and 
injure the town and the inhabitants, than to succeed by force of 
arms. About two hours after noon they began to make a 
semblance of an intention to assail the place. Hastily did some 
of the enemy at the swine-market and near the gate bring up 
long bourrees (bundles of wood) and faggots, and throw them 
into the outer trenches, which were dry; next into the ditches 
close to the walls, where the water was high." (Either there had 
been a flood, or the managers of the sluices had admitted a full 
current of water from the Seine.) " At this moment the disaffected 
or bribed people in the town raised shouts throughout the whole 
place on either side of the bridges, yelling that ' all is lost, that 
the enemy has entered ' : with cries of Sauve qui petit / 

" Thereon all the people in the churches at sermon were panic- 
stricken, and most of them fled to their houses and shut the 
doors ; there was no other commotion. Those who were appointed 
to that duty stayed on guard on the walls and at the gates, and 
others, coming up, made strong and good opposition to the men 
of Charles de Valois, who remained in the outer fosse, and without, 
at the swine-market, till ten or eleven o'clock, when they departed 


with loss, several of them being slain or wounded by gun shot 
and arrow shot. Among others a woman called the Pucelle, 
who was one of the leaders for Charles de Valois, was wounded 
in the leg by an arrow. The plan of the leaders was rather to 
injure Paris by a commotion within, tha?i by armed assault \ for 
had they been four times more numerous than they were, or 
more, they could not have taken the place either by storm or 
siege, for it was well supplied with food, and the townsfolk and 
garrison were perfectly at one in the resistance, as it was reported 
that Charles de Valois had given up the place to be sacked, ordered 
a massacre of men and women of all ranks, and would plough the 
site of a town of Christian people, a thing not easily credible." 

This is not a picturesque, but is an authentic account of the 
events : the attack was neither serious nor supported, but an 
effort to cause tumult and surrender, a vaillance or escarmouche. 
The Maid was alone in her determination to force the fighting, 
as she herself averred. The French then moved as late as 
eight in the morning of the day of the Nativity of Our Lady, 
halted at a hill now or lately styled the Butte des Moulins or 
Windmill Hill, and there at the swine-market planted their guns, 
apparently out of range, behind the hill, at two in the afternoon ! 

On the walls they could see the English, says Chartier, arrayed 
under the banner of St. George, though from other accounts the 
defenders were Burgundian men-at-arms with the townsmen, or 
the armed townsmen alone save for forty or fifty English. Artillery 
fire began about two o'clock. In the afternoon the outer boulevard 
of the Porte Saint Honore was attacked and was occupied, while 
the army under dAlencon and the prudent Charles de Bourbon 
actually remained out of gunshot behind the hill, to check any 
English sally from the Porte St. Denys. (Yet it is doubtful if 
the English had a hundred men in the place, while the main 
body of the French army looked on out of range.) 

It was not the wont of the Maid to watch a battle from the 
rear. She bore her standard through the deep dry moat, and, 
crossing the intervening space, she plumbed the water moat with 



her lance, under fire. The French ignorance of the depth of the 
water has been attributed to bad scouting ; but who could tell, 
from one day to another, how much water the moat contained ? 
That depended on the engineers of the defence. King Robert 
the Bruce was a cautious commander, and had investigated the 
depth of water in the moat of Perth before he attempted a night 
attack in January 131 3. But he, when the assault was made, 
had to fathom the moat with his lance, exactly as Jeanne did in 
broad daylight, and Bruce's heavy armed men could only find a 
ford where the water was throat high. 

The assault on Paris on September 8 failed exactly as 
Saintrailles and Dunois had failed at Jargeau in May, by reason 
of the deep water in the fosse, and the lack of portable bridges 
or light boats of any kind. That such boats were used as early 
as 1429 is not certain. We do not see them in pictures of sieges 
in the manuscripts of the day. If Poton and Dunois were so 
improvident at Jargeau, then, supposing that Boussac, d'Alengon, 
and the rest meant serious work at Paris, they were equally 
careless. Such things will happen. Napoleon had made no 
preparations for roughing the shoes of his cavalry horses against 
the frosts of a Russian campaign. Not a spike was nailed into 
the English guns at Waterloo by the French cavalry, who had 
them at their will; not an iron ramrod of a pistol was used to 
disable our artillery. These were fatal oversights ; but at Paris 
the French leaders had not meant to storm the place : they looked 
on to see whether or not the Maid's demonstration would be 
backed by an Armagnac mob within the town. 

The day went by as at the Tourelles, the Maid at the fosse, 
with her standard, in the heat of the fire, calling to the people 
to yield. According to her judges, she said " surrender to Jesus," 
according to the hostile "Bourgeois de Paris" she threatened 
them with massacre. Thereon a bowman, with the coarsest 
insults, aimed and sent an arrow through her leg, while with 
another he slew her standard-bearer. She was certainly wounded 
and placed under cover beside the moat, whence long after 


nightfall she kept crying on her men to the charge. But she 
herself could not move, the supports were far off, out of range, 
she could not lead them ; only her voice pierced the night. Still 
she called out that the place was theirs for the winning. At 
length de Gaucourt sent men who carried her out of fire, still 
protesting that with perseverance Paris would have been taken. 

The leaders had not her intentions, had not her tenacity ; the 
army did not come on, support following support, as far as we are 
informed. The dAlencon chronicler says that the French had only 
the slightest losses; he makes a miracle of it; but the Bourgeois 
avers that they lost five hundred men in killed or wounded ; 
that this was stated on oath by a herald who came next day, to 
ask leave to bury the dead. He also says, inconsistently, that the 
dead were carried away and burned. Obviously few of the dead 
were found by the defenders, who dared not sally out and pursue, 
as is admitted. "They cursed their Pucelle who had told them 
that certainly they would storm Paris, and that all who resisted 
would be put to the sword or burned in their houses." The 
same Bourgeois witness attributes the triumph to the townsfolk ; 
of men-at-arms, he says there were only forty or fifty English ! 
He was a vine-grower ; probably he passed the day in his cellars. 

We must find a happy mean between the rival fables of 
de Cagny and of the Bourgeois. We hear of no losses among 
the French nobles, of no wounded leader except the Maid. 
Probably she with the advanced guard and its leader de Rais, 
was alone actively engaged ; dAlencon came for her, says Chartier, 
from his safe position out of range. The whole story, as it has 
reached us, save from Fauquemberque and the Maid, is a mist 
of contemporary fable. In a Norman chronicle, written, apparently, 
within a year of the events, we are told that the artillery of 
Charles VII used noiseless gunpowder ! 

But, through the mist, one figure stands out clear in the 
sJanlight, discerned alike by friend and foe; a girl of seventeen 
in white armour, who lets herself down into the deep dry fosse, 
who climbs out on to the dos d'dne under the city wall, and, like 


Bruce at Perth, fathoms the water of the great fosse with her 
lance, under a rain of projectiles, till she is smitten through the 
thigh. Undaunted, unweakened, she cries on the men. History 
shows no other such picture. 

There is evidence which appears indisputable that the French 
left behind hundreds of wheel-barrows and of scaling-ladders, 
with other siege material — which they had not used. But as 
they were not pursued, and as, but for the King's orders, con- 
veyed by princes of the blood, the Maid would next day have 
renewed the attack, it is the King, not the Maid, who is to 
blame for the loss of siege material. The army, returning to its 
post of September 8, would have recovered its material. But 
the army was forbidden to return. 

Jeanne's military fault, on her own showing, was her tenacious 
attempt to convert an escarmouche or vaillance — a display — into 
a determined attack, as some writers hold that she did, success- 
fully, at St. Loup. She paid for her courage in person and 

Here it must be noted that, concerning the conduct of the 
Maid at Paris, as later at Compiegne, and indeed from her 
victory at St. Pierre le Moustier to her capture, her judges brought 
many charges against her, while in the Trial of Rehabilitation 
(1450-1456) no witnesses were called in her defence. Pasquerel 
and d'Aulon were with her to the end ; but they were asked no 
questions on the operations of September 1429, May 1430. 

Here is an opening for the Advocatus Diabolil One may 
venture a conjecture as to the caution of the inquirers of 1450- 
1456. The Maid at Paris, for example, certainly kept exclaiming 
that the place was theirs, if the men would exert themselves. 
She believed, indeed, that it was so, that the place could have 
been taken. But her prosecutors averred that she proclaimed 
this to be the monition of her Counsel ; and her statement that 
her Counsel did not urge her forth on September 8 they bluntly 
described as a lie. They have not left us the depositions of 
their witnesses, who declared that she appealed to the promises 


of her Voices. But Dunois was asked at the Trial of Rehabilita- 
tion whether all her military predictions were fulfilled ? His 
reply was, " Though Jeanne sometimes spoke gaily about many 
matters of war, to raise the spirits of the men, and though 
perhaps all that she said of this kind was not fulfilled, yet, when 
she spoke seriously of war, and of her vocation," she confined 
herself to the relief of Orleans and the coronation. The Com- 
mission of 1450-1456 probably did not care to inquire too closely 
into this question ; or to distinguish between such words of 
encouragement as every leader uses, on one hand, and pro- 
fessedly inspired predictions on the other. Hence, one may 
guess, the gap in their inquiry. On the other hand, it may 
have been caused by reluctance to expose the imbecile behaviour 
of the King from his coronation till the capture of the Maid. 

To take Paris was avowedly part of the vocation of the Maid. 
She had been thwarted by diplomacy, otherwise the place would 
have fallen ; but still she did not despair. Despite her flesh- 
wound she rose very early on September 9, and begged d'Alencon 
to sound the trumpets and mount, " for I will never retreat till 
I have the town." D'Alencon and other captains were of like 
mind, but counsels were divided. While they were debating, 
the Baron de Montmorency, previously an adherent of the English, 
rode up with fifty or sixty gentlemen to join the company of 
the Maid. Her friends were greatly encouraged ; but then arrived 
Charles de Bourbon, with Rene\ Due de Bar. They bore the 
King's orders, the Maid must return to-SfcJQe»ys. 

The other leaders, like her, were summoned, and with heavy 
hearts they obeyed the Royal command. They still had it in 
their minds to make a new effort, crossing the Seine by a bridge 
which d'Alencon had caused to be constructed near St. Denys. 
On September 10, very early, they rode forth, only to find that by 
orders of Charles the bridge had been destroyed under cloud of 
night. Charles employed the next three days in councils of 
retreat. After dinner on September 13 he abandoned St. Denys, 
where the Maid, with a breaking heart, left her armour suspended 


in the cathedral before a statue of Our Lady. The Royal retreat 
was hasty and disorderly; by September 21, Charles was in the 
haven where he would be, dining at Gien on Loire. " And thus," 
says the dAlencon chronicler, " were broken the will of the Maid 
and the army of the King." He had made the great refusal. 

His garrison was soon driven out of St. Denys, and the enemy 
made spoil of the armour of the Maid. The sword of Fierbois had 
been broken by her, it is said by her application of the flat of the 
blade to the back of one of the leaguer-lasses with whom she 
waged war. This tale appears to be a fable. She would not tell her 
judges what became of the sword. According to Jeanne, she had 
the Fierbois sword at Lagny in April 1430, and later wore the 
sword of a Burgundian captive taken there ; a " good cutting blade." 
From her own account it does not appear that the mystic blade was 
that which she broke at St. Denys. It rather seems that, after her 
Voices warned her of her approaching capture, as they did in 
Easter week 1430, she laid aside the sword of Fierbois and her 
standard, that they might not fall with her into hostile hands. 
We do not hear that her standard was taken when she was 

With the Royal retreat to the Loire the victories of the Maid 
in the field were almost ended. But the impetus which she had 
given to French energy, and the depression and weariness of war 
with which she had affected the English conquerors, survived not 
only her victories, but her life. Henceforth, with intervals of 
indolence, France pressed forward and England withdrew. 

Four years later Bedford gave to Henry VI a fair estimate of 
the gains which by his own confession her country owed mainly 
to Jeanne dArc. A mere fragment of Bedford's letter is very well 
known, Rymer published it, as of 1428, in the great collection of 
public documents called Fcedera (1710). Quicherat quoted it 
from Rymer, and conjecturally dated it in the end of July 1429. 
Rymer merely gives Bedford's account of the " great stroke upon 
your people " at Orleans, where they in numbers deserted ; — a 
stroke due " in great part, as I trow," to the panic caused by the 


Maid, and the encouragement given by her to the French. But 
Bedford's paper is really of December 1433, " the twelfth year of the 
reign of Henry VI." Bedford says that " by fair days and victories," 
after the death of Henry v, he had brought under English allegi- 
ance "great part of Brie, Champagne, the Auxerrois, Nivernais, 
Maconais, Anjou, Maine," " and all things there prospered for you " 
till the great stroke at Orleans. After that, " divers of your great 
cities and towns, as Reims, Troyes, Chalons, Laon, Sens, Provins, 
Senlis, Lagny, Creil, Beauvais, and the substance of the countries 
of Champagne, Beauce, and a part of Picardy, yielded without 
resistance or awaiting succours." With the aid of Beaufort's 
crusaders, he says, he took the field, and saved much of the 
country and Paris. Nevertheless the people in the English allegi- 
ance are ruined, and can neither till their lands and vines nor 
profit by their merchandise, and are " driven to an extreme poverty, 
such as they may not long abide." 

Bedford was therefore obliged to come to England (1433) to 
set forth his need of assistance. If he is not listened to, the French 
under English allegiance " shall be despaired," and each man will 
do his best for himself, that is, will return to his rightful King. 
France is "in notorious jeopardy" of being lost, despite the 
loyalty of Henry's French subjects, in which Bedford expresses 
a sanguine belief. Finally, he asks for money from the revenues 
of the Duchy of Lancaster, and offers to devote his own gains 
from the same source to the recovery of France. 

But the energy and self-sacrifice of Bedford were unavailing, 
and, by his confession, the successful reaction against England 
was " in great part " the result of the enthusiasm which, for four 
short months, centred in the Maid, whose impulse accomplished her 
task, though not in the brief space of her allotted year. Ignorant 
of the part of Bedford's letter which Rymer omitted, all historians 
have overlooked his recognition of the immense services of the 



Safely arrived at Gien, Charles disbanded an army which it is 
said that he could no longer pay, though he had money for La 
Tr&no'flle. D'Alencon went to his wife and his vicomti of Beau- 
mont ; the captains returned each to his own place of command ; 
" and the Maid abode with the King, taking heavily their departure, 
especially that of d'Alencon, whom she loved most, and for whom 
she would do what she would not do for another." A late writer 
of 1484 avers that the King wished to send Jeanne to war against 
Rouen, but La Trdmoille objected, and despatched her (which is 
true), with his half-brother, d'Albret, to attack St. Pierre le Moustier, 
on the upper Loire. De Cagny says that d'Alencon, superseded 
by d'Albret as lieutenant-general, had gathered a force to assail 
Normandy, and implored the King to let the Maid ride with him. 
" For her sake many will join who will not budge without her.'' 
But La Tremoi'lle, de Gaucourt, and the Archbishop made the 
King refuse, " and never again would suffer her and d'Alencon 
to be together. She had done things incredible to those who 
had not seen them, and still would have done had they behaved 
to her as it was their duty to do." 

Historians are apt to maintain that the King's advisers, the 
Archbishop of Reims, La Tremoi'lle, de Gaucourt, and others, had 
now nothing nearer their hearts than the ruin of the Maid. But 
it is not easy to see any evidence in favour of the hypothesis that 
the advisers were personally hostile to Jeanne. She had been 
very useful, she might be useful again ; though when once the 
politicians had entered on diplomatic courses, hoping to buy the 



Duke of Burgundy from the English alliance, the Maid's determined 
belief that peace could only be gained at the point of the lance, 
was embarrassing. None the less the theory that the Council 
engaged her in enterprises which they intended to fail is incredible, 
though historians so impartial and so learned as Quicherat and 
Vallet de Viriville write that, after the check at Paris, " the art " 
(of her adversaries) " now lay in preventing Jeanne from redeeming 
her fall." Manifestly, on the other hand, it was the interest of the 
King's advisers that, when she did fight, she should be victorious ; 
but their private schemes and jealousies directed their choice of 
the places where she was to be employed, their diplomacy made 
any great enterprise impossible, while their avarice or their poverty 
left their generals destitute of money and supplies adequate to 
their enterprises. Jeanne could do no great work because of their 
unbelief. That Jeanne was deliberately betrayed, is one of the two 
erroneous opinions prevalent concerning this part of her career. 
It is an example of the old myth of nous sommes trahis. The 
other error is the idea that her Voices deserted her, and that in 
her heart she knew her mission was ended. 

This theory is partly based on the remark of Dunois averring 
that she limited her mission to the relief of Orleans and the 
crowning of the King. But here Dunois, as abundant evidence 
proves, was mistaken. The King, Jeanne proclaimed, was to 
enter Paris, the Duke of Orleans was to be released, the English 
were to be driven out of France. But though Jeanne certainly 
expected these results from the impetus which she had given, 
and though they actually were attained at last, it would be hard 
on her, and it would be rash to assert that she firmly believed 
she would live to see the fulfilment of her mission. To Dunois 
and the Archbishop of Reims, as later to a lady, Marguerite 
Touroulde, she said explicitly that she knew no more than other 
people about the hour or place of her death. Aware that 
she might fall any day, in any skirmish, she could entertain no 
sure belief that she was destined to behold the complete triumph 
of her cause. 


Again, we no longer find her maintaining that she is to achieve, 
that her Voices command her to achieve, any one great deed. She 
only fights for the Cause, and she goes where the captains send 
her. But the reason is obvious. The truces deprived her and 
deprived France of any special objective. Paris was not to be 
assailed. Distrustful of d'Alencon, who, as of the Royal blood 
and adventurous, was jealously regarded by the faineant King, 
and who had not distinguished himself by generalship, the Council 
would not allow Jeanne to ride with him against Normandy. Her 
own strategy, we shall see later, was the best, and was approved 
of by the Duke of Burgundy. She wished, as she told her judges, 
to go into the He de France in October, and reduce Paris by 
cutting off the supplies of that great city. But she was not 
permitted by the Council to take part in these operations. 

She had to move in the train of the Court. The Queen now 
came to join the King, and Jeanne had to follow their indolent 
train to Selles-en-Berri and to Bourges, where the Queen settled. 
Here d'Albret lodged Jeanne in the house of Marguerite La 
Touroulde, who gave evidence in the Trial of Rehabilitation, and 
here Jeanne abode for three weeks, being often at prayer in the 
churches. Marguerite told Jeanne that " she did not fear to risk 
herself in war, because she knew that she would not be slain." 
The Maid answered that she had no more security than others who 
fought. She would not touch the rosaries of women who asked 
for this favour, " Touch them yourselves, they will get as much 
good from your touch as from mine." She gave freely to the 
poor, with a glad heart, saying, " I am sent for the comfort of the 
poor and needy." " She was very simple and innocent, knowing 
almost nothing, except in affairs of war." Marguerite and Jeanne 
slept together, and often went together to the baths. 

Meanwhile the King moved about from place to place, 
Montargis, Loches, Jargeau, Issoudun, settling for two months, on 
November 15, at Mehun-sur-Yevre. He went everywhere except 
to the front. His Council now determined to attack La Charity, 
a strong town on the bend of the upper Loire, which had no 


apparent strategic value at this stage of the war. But Charles and 
his advisers must have known that the long delayed, and by- 
Bedford often prayed for, arrival of Henry VI with a new English 
army, was to occur in the spring of 1430. As we show later, it 
was part of the Anglo-Burgundian plan of campaign of April 
1430 to send a large and mobile force to the towns and forts held 
for Burgundy by Gressart, commanding in La Charite\ The 
Burgundian purpose, in April 1430, was to keep harassing, from 
La Charity, the rear of the French, while relieving Paris by attack- 
ing their front in Lagny, Melun, Sens, and other towns which were 
weakening and ruining the capital by stopping supplies. 

Thus the strategy of Charles's advisers, November 15, 1429, 
to anticipate the Anglo-Burgundian schemes by seizing La Charite^ 
St. Pierre le Moustier, and other places under Gressart's command, 
was no mere freak, as historians have asserted ; but was rather a 
sagacious forecast of the intentions of the enemy. Unhappily, 
while the King gave orders for the expedition against La Charity, 
he left his army destitute of money and supplies. This can hardly 
be set down to the fault of his generals, d'Albret and the Maid. 
She ; for her part, was anxious, as always, that the army should 
operate in the He de France, to secure the reduction of Paris. 

The commandant of La Charite, Grasset or Gressart, was a 
free lance, who had been a mason, it is said ; but that was an old 
story. For many years he had secured his reputation as a soldier. 
As leader of a company, he had captured La Charite' in 1423. He 
had once seized La Tr^moi'lle and held him to ransom ; he warred 
for his own hand, and La Tremoi'lle owed him a grudge. His 
niece had married a Spaniard by birth, a soldier of fortune, and 
uncle of Alexander Borgia (Pope Alexander VI). This Spaniard 
was bailiff of another town, St. Pierre le Moustier, some thirty 
miles from La Charity, to the south, and d'Albret determined to 
discuss the nephew before the uncle. 

At Bourges, d'Albret and the Maid gathered their array ; she 
is mentioned as in command with d'Albret in an official document 
of November 24, in which the people of Bourges are commanded 


to raise 1 300 gold crowns for the army besieging La Charite. It 
thus appears, in face of all attempts to deny the fact, that Jeanne 
at this time held a position officially recognised, and that not 
"public rumour" alone "attributed the command to the Maid." 
The English Government, also, we shall see, described Jeanne as 
" leading the hosts of the Dauphin.'' Contemporaries of both 
parties knew what a modern critic repeatedly denies. 

The siege of St. Pierre le Moustier seems to have begun on 
or shortly after October 25. When Jeanne had taken it, she and 
d'Albret then sent to the town of Clermont, asking for ammunition 
to attack La Charity, and the people added a gift of a sword, two 
daggers, and a sperth or battle-axe, for " the Messenger of God," 
the Maid. 

We know about the Maid's brilliant success at St. Pierre le 
Moustier only from the evidence of d'Aulon. After some days 
of artillery fire a breach was made in the walls, and an assault 
took place. The garrison was very numerous, and repelled the 
storming parties, which retreated. D'Aulon, who had been wounded, 
and could walk only with crutches, was a spectator. He saw the 
Maid left alone beneath the wall, accompanied merely by her own 
people, her two or three lances, probably her brothers, who never 
deserted her, and their men. D'Aulon managed to get into the 
saddle, rode to her and asked her why she did not retreat, but 
remained alone. She raised the salade of her helmet and said, " I 
am not alone, with me are 50,000 of my own, and retreat I will 
not till I have taken this town." 

"Whatever she might say, she had only four or five men 
with her," remarks the literal d'Aulon, "as I know for certain, 
and so do several others who were looking on ; so I urged her 
to retire like the rest. Then she bade me tell the men to bring 
faggots and fascines to bridge the moat : and she herself gave 
the same order in a loud voice." 

In a moment the thing was done, whereat d'Aulon was all 
amazed, " and the town was stormed, with no great resistance." 

This was the true Jeanne touch, as we talk of "the Nelson 


touch " ; the indomitable tenacity, the gift of encouragement. 
Whatever she meant by " 50,000 of her own," — probably she only 
expressed her sense of heavenly protection, — she did not ask the 
viewless 50,000 to bridge the moat. If she saw a vision of legions 
of angels, she was also perfectly awake to the nature of her actual 
surroundings, and to the fact that angels are not sappers and miners. 

Henceforth neither dAulon nor any of her companions was 
asked, in 1450- 1456, any questions about her later fights till 
her capture. It has been suggested that the judges of 1450-1456 
wished to spare the feelings of many who, at that time, were 
reconciled to the King, after being his opponents. But the gap 
in the evidence for a period on which the judges at Rouen laid 
stress is most unsatisfactory. 

On November 9, Jeanne was at Moulins in the Bourbonnais, 
where St. Colette happened to be. One morning the Saint heard 
the bells of her convent sound for matins three hours too early, 
and feared that people might take this for a signal given by the 
nuns to the enemy. The Saint, therefore, to whom nothing was 
impossible, made all the clocks of the town go three hours too 
fast, while she caused the sun to rise three hours too early ! 
This miracle shows what legend could do for St. Colette ; even 
legend took no such liberties with the Maid. Whether Jeanne met 
the famous Saint or not is unknown. 

Jeanne now wrote from Moulins to the people of Riom, 
requiring munitions for the attack on La Charite* ; she and the 
Lords with her being slenderly provided. The note is brief, and 
not in her style; it does not bear her motto, Jesus Maria. 
The town of Riom promised money, but gave none. On the 
other hand, the people of Orleans behaved with their usual 
generosity. Possibly La Charite was attacked partly because it 
was a nest of cosmopolitan bandits with no fixed allegiance even 
to Burgundy, and all the neighbouring towns had an interest in 
its capture. But Orleans never failed the cause of France and the 
Maid. The people sent gunners, pay for the men, clothes against 
he bitter winter weather, and some of their own artillery. 


Matters went ill at La Charite. At that period sieges could 
not well be prosecuted in winter: in November and December 1428, 
Orleans had a respite from English attack. On November 24, 
as we have seen, the people of Bourges were asked for 1300 
gold crowns, for lack of which the siege must be raised. By 
this time the Marechal de Boussac had joined the French besieg- 
ing forces, which were numerically inadequate. They had to raise 
the siege ; they lost some of their artillery, for the King sent no 
money and supplies : the money from Bourges never arrived. 
M. Villaret suggests that the King or his advisers perhaps kept it, 
while M. de Beaucourt throws the blame on "the ill-will of La 
Tr^moTlle." But this ill-will his authorities do not here so much 
as mention. The leaders had publicly announced that they must 
raise the siege if they were not supplied, and they were not sup- 
plied. It has been erroneously said, on no evidence at all, that in 
January 1430, Gressart surrendered La Charite" in exchange for the 
money from Bourges. But as in the following April Gressart was 
as strong as ever, the story is a manifest fable. 

At Rouen the judges made much of the failure at La Charitd 

" What did you do in the fosses ? " 

" I caused an assault to be made." 

" Did you throw holy water ? " 

" I neither threw nor caused it to be thrown by way of 

" Had you advice from your Voices ? " 

" I wanted to go into France, but the captains said it was 
better to go first to La Charite." 

" Why did you not enter the town, as you were commanded 
by God ? " 

"Who told you that I had commandment from God?" She 
had no revelation about La Charite\ Her Voices said nothing 
either way. 

The long Act of Accusation, or Requisitoire, accuses her of 
having made, at La Charite" and Compiegne, many unfulfilled 
prophecies as matters of revelation. 


No evidence is given, none was ever given, no witnesses were 
ever cited. It is probable that she, like all commanders, en- 
couraged her troops, " You must win, you are sure to have them " ; 
as Dunois says, " she would sometimes speak gaily on matters of 
war to animate the men." She denied that, in the cases charged, 
she pretended to speak by revelation ; and we are not enabled to 
criticise the stories to the opposite effect. 

One witness, by way of exception, was actually named by 
the judges, a visionary or impostor, Catherine de la Rochelle, one 
of M. Vallet de Viriville's Pucelles, really a married woman with a 
family. Examined by the official at Paris, she accused Jeanne of 
being under the protection of the Devil ; and that gives us the 
measure of Catherine de la Rochelle. What we know from the 
Maid about this miserable creature is that she met the woman at 
Jargeau, and at Montfaucon in Berri. Catherine averred that a 
lady in white and gold appeared to her, bidding her procure 
heralds from the King, and trumpeters, and go demanding gold 
from the good towns ; not a bad idea, as the war was failing for 
want of money, and the scheme provided a pleasant billet for 
Catherine. She had, she said, the secret of finding hidden 
treasure. Jeanne bade her go home, look after her household, 
and take care of her children. She also consulted St. Catherine, 
who said that her namesake's story was nonsense; and Jeanne 
so informed the King, to the huge discontent of the divineress and 
of the charlatan, Brother Richard, who patronised her. Catherine 
had advised Jeanne not to go to La Charite, "because it was 
much too cold," Catherine being a matron who loved her comforts. 
She wished to be an ambassadress of peace to the Duke of 
Burgundy, and Jeanne said that " peace was only to be won at 
the lance's point." In fact, Catherine's aim was to be the prophetess 
of the King's Council and of the politicians. Jeanne sat up all 
night with Catherine to see the lady in white, to no purpose ; 
but Catherine must have equally failed to see the Saints of 
Jeanne ! 

The so-called " Bourgeois de Paris," a violent Burgundian, makes 


the Grand Inquisitor say in a sermon that Brother Richard was 
a fatherly man to Jeanne, Catherine, and two other women ; he 
" coached them," says M. Anatole France {il les endoctrinait), " he 
led them as he pleased." We are not aware of a single instance 
in which Jeanne acted on the coaching of Brother Richard. Their 
acquaintance began when she converted him from the Burgundian 
to the French party, at least he turned his coat as soon as they 
met. That he coached her is not proved by offering a citation 
from a witness who merely says that she confessed to the man at 
Senlis. Nor is there any proof that Jeanne " smelled a rival " 
in Catherine de Rochelle : she detected a humbug. Most certainly 
Brother Richard did not lead Jeanne as he pleased : he did not 
lead her at all, — this is the old theory of Beaumarchais (1730). 
Jeanne found out the foolish pulpiteer and his pupil, who had 
a genius for advertisement. According to the Bourgeois, 
quoting the sermon of the Grand Inquisitor, Brother Richard at 
Jargeau, on Christmas Day, administered the Holy Communion 
thrice to Jeanne and twice to a Breton visionary who was later 
burned. I do not observe that the accusers at Rouen pressed 
this charge, whatever its value may be, against the Maid. It 
is a pity, of course, that Brother Richard was allowed to be a 
hanger-on of the Court, but we do not learn that on any occasion 
Jeanne acted on his advice. She never was led by priests. She 
never confided, we must keep on repeating, to a priest the monitions 
of her Voices, by which she was directed. It was therefore im- 
possible for priests to "indoctrinate" or coach her, as regards her 
mission, though they might raise her indignation against the 
Bohemian heretics. 

In the autumn campaign, to resume, it does not appear that 
the Maid was in any way to blame for the failure. The King 
raised a force which he would not pay or victual. Jeanne wished 
that force to strike at a vital point " in France." The captains led 
her to St. Pierre le Moustier, where their supplies of all sorts ran 
low, but the tenacity of the girl stimulated the men to a successful 
effort. They then marched without adequate supplies to La 


Charity, and raised the siege when the money for which they had 
asked as essential was not provided. La Charity as there was 
none to rescue it, " must have capitulated one day or another," says 
a critic. The remark is innocent, an army without money and 
supplies could not wait for the remote day of capitulation ! 

The policy of the Royal counsellors had damaged, none the 
less, the prestige of the Maid as invincible. Enthusiasm in the 
loyal provinces had been frittered away by the dawdling French 
diplomatists, the dupes of Burgundy. But it is not to be supposed 
that the politicians had a set purpose to cheapen the Maid. They 
merely attempted no advance on a great scale ; the King merely 
failed, as always, to show himself on horseback at the head of his 
troops. The truces continued ; there was no policy, military or 
civil ; they " waited for something to turn up." 

In December, in the presence of La Tremoille and Le Macon 
(de Treves), who are accused of being enemies of the Maid, the 
King gave to her and her family letters ennobling them. The 
name of " our dear and beloved " Jehanne is spelled " d'Ay." Her 
whole kith and kin are ennobled, " that the memory of the divine 
glory and of so many favours may endure and increase for ever." 
Jeanne's father, mother, and three brothers and all their kinship 
and lineage are included ; and noblesse is to descend both in the 
male and female lines, though " they may, perchance, have been of 
other than free condition." No armorial bearings are mentioned 
in the grant, but the Maid told a painter at Rouen, and told her 
judges, that her brothers bore two lilies of France, or, on a shield 
azure, between them was a sword supporting a crown ; the new 
name of the family was du Lys. She herself had never used a 
shield or armorial bearings ; the King gave them to her brothers. 
The Royal gratitude gave rank without lands and gear. In 
later days Jean du Lys succeeded to Baudricourt's captaincy of 
Vaucouleurs : Pierre was supported by the town and Duke of 
Orleans; and the good town provided a pension long enjoyed 
by the mother of the Maid, for the city possessed a virtue not 
commonly found in princes. 


The King may have meant well, but his money sank into the 
corpulent La Tremoi'lle like water into sand. The Royal accounts 
prove that he was always receiving presents of horses (he fell off 
his at Montepilloy) and of money. In the high tide of distress 
at Orleans (February 1429) he got 10,000 gold crowns. On 
September 22, 1429, he had 6594 gold crowns and 5890 livres 
tournois, to pay 2000 men-at-arms and archers, of whose exploits 
nothing is heard, and who may have been men in buckram. 
Meanwhile Charles had not a crown piece for Guy de Laval, who 
therefore gave orders to sell his lands. When Chateau Thierry 
surrendered, La Tremoi'lle obtained the revenues and escheats of 
the town. He got the Governorship of Compiegne, and he had 
monstrous pensions. This Falstaff was absolute with the King, 
from whom he took much and to whom he lent something ; and 
when the Maid was captured, but not yet sold to the English, 
Charles could not ransom her; the money was needed for La 
Tremoi'lle, whom the Constable could not manage to capture or 
despatch. Richemont did his best, he had a plot going, and, at an 
unknown date, had even a plan for taking possession of the Maid, 
so one of his agents confessed. 

In December 1429 there was, in addition to the activity of the 
captains round Paris, one hopeful feature in the war. La Hire was 
a soldier, whatever his faults. He seized and held the town of 
Louviers, within twenty miles of Rouen, and the French believed 
that the English dared not attempt to recover it while Jeanne 

If Jeanne could have despaired, she might well have abandoned 
hope and the military life, for how much they had wasted of her 
allotted year! 



THE truces with Burgundy lasted till Easter, or, as some hold, 
ended a month earlier; Jeanne was, till then, constrained to be 
inactive. Only two or three trivialities are known about her 
occupations. On January 19 she was at Orleans, where the loyal 
people entertained her with wine, pheasants, and partridges. The 
people of Tours, though they declined to give a trousseau, at the 
Maid's request, to Heliote, daughter of " Heuves Poulnoir," the 
King's Scottish painter, provided wine for the wedding breakfast. 
The Maid at an uncertain date took a lease of a house at Orleans, 
perhaps as a home for her mother. 

We know nothing of Jeanne's pecuniary resources ; she told 
her judges that she never asked anything from the King except 
for military purposes, " good arms, good horses, and the payment 
of her household." She had no jewels but two rings of base 
metal. She gave what she could to the poor. When captured 
she had 12,000 livres of the King's money, "no great treasure for 
waging war," as she said. 

By March 16, Jeanne was at Sully, La Tnfmoi'lle's place, with 
the King. Though the truce is said by Monstrelet to have lasted 
till Easter (April 16), other authorities give the date as March 15. 
The people of Reims had written to the Maid, expressing their fear 
of a siege. She answered them from Sully, on March 16, "You 
shall not have a siege, if I meet the foes ; and if I do not, shut 
your gates, I will soon be with you, and I will make the enemy 
buckle their spurs in haste. ... I would send you other news that 

would rejoice you, but fear that the letter may be intercepted." 



The Duke of Burgundy, in fact, had induced Bedford to cede 
to him all Champagne, while he was to let England hire a 
contingent of his subjects. England, meanwhile, had to issue 
proclamations against deserters for the second time in four 
months. Historians, deceived by a heading to this document, — 
a heading invented by Rymer, the editor of Foedera, 17 10, — have 
supposed that the English Government spoke of "the terrifying 
sorceries of the Maid." In fact, a similar order against deserters 
had been issued before she was so much as heard of; and the 
English archives have yielded not a single allusion to Jeanne 
d'Arc, except in Bedford's memoir of December 1433, which, 
thanks to a blunder by Rymer, has hitherto been misunderstood, 
and, indeed, mainly unknown. The war with France had become 
unpopular in England. 

The good news which Jeanne could not tell the people of 
Reims, was probably the fact of a great anti-English conspiracy 
in Paris. The arrest of a Carmelite led to the discovery of the 
plot, for which eight leaders were executed. The conspiracy 
seems to have been detected about March 21. Scottish archers 
were to have been admitted within the . gates, a popular rising 
was to have done the rest. The Scots would be of Kennedy's 
command at Lagny. 

On March 23, Pasquerel, the Maid's confessor, wrote and 
signed a letter, purporting to be from Jeanne, to the Bohemian 
heretics. She hears that they overthrow the statues of saints, 
and ruin churches. If they did not, they were unworthy of the 
name of Reformers. The Huguenots were later to destroy the 
cathedral of Orleans, the statue of the Maid on the bridge, and 
even the modest tomb of Jacques Boucher, on which was com- 
memorated his hospitality to Jeanne during the great siege. 

Pasquerel makes her say to the Hussites, " I would have visited 
you with my avenging arm ! " {style Pasquerel), " if the English 
war had not detained me. . . . Perhaps I will leave the English 
alone and turn against you." She never would have left the 
English alone. 


On March 28, Jeanne wrote again to Reims, saying that the 
King had heard of a Burgundian conspiracy within the walls; 
but he knows that the French party in the town is loyal, and they 
are in his best graces. He will help them if they are besieged ; 
the English, we shall see, desired to take Reims and there crown 
their little King. "You will soon hear my good news more 
plainly. . . . All Bretagne is French, and the Due is to send 
3000 men, paid for two months," — a hope never fulfilled, but not 
a prophecy from the Voices. 

Meanwhile preparations were being made in England for the 
arrival in France of little Henry VI with an army. We possess 
a long paper of advice sent to the English Council by the Duke 
of Burgundy, at a date certainly earlier than April 23 ; and this 
document gives a lucid account of the state of affairs as they 
were in April. The French, says Burgundy, thanks to the 
campaign of July-August 1429, now hold many towns and 
fortresses on what had been the English side of Loire, Yonne, 
Seine, Marne, and Oise. In these regions the English will find 
no supplies. Paris is beset, and oppressed by the enemy, " whereby 
it is daily in great peril and danger," for it had lived on the 
produce of the towns now in the enemy's hands. To lose Paris 
would be, for England, to lose the whole kingdom. 

We have thus hostile testimony to the enormous change in 
affairs, since the Maid brought the succour of Heaven to her King 
in mid-Lent, 1429. 

There is excellent evidence for the success of the French arms 
and the long misery of Paris, in the Journal d'un Bourgeois. " All 
the villages round Paris are oppressed by the Armagnacs, not a 
man of Paris dares to set his foot beyond the suburbs ; if any do, 
they are lost or slain or set at high ransom ; and supplies that 
reach Paris are charged at twice or thrice the ordinary rate." 

The Anglo-Burgundian forces, provisioned from Normandy and 

Picardy, must therefore, says the Duke of Burgundy, labour to save 

Paris by recovering the surrounding towns now in French hands. 

" Paris is the heart of the mystic body of the kingdom " ; only by 



liberating the heart can the body be made to flourish. The best 
strategy is to fight on both sides of the Loire. Many hold that 
Paris should be well garrisoned, and that Henry VI should first 
march on Reims and there be crowned. (We know that the 
Burgundian party in Reims was conspiring to open the gates to 
Burgundy and England.) Now it is true that Henry's French 
subjects will be more inclined to support his cause if he be crowned 
at Reims. On the other hand, it is an extremely strong town, well 
fortified, well provisioned, and well manned, so that to besiege it 
would be a long affair, and the besiegers could not get supplies. 
(How easily this place of strength had fallen before the Maid !) 

A check at Reims would be an immense disaster, and while the 
Anglo-Burgundian forces were concentrated there, Paris might fall. 
Great garrisons in Paris and in the remaining towns under English 
allegiance would merely eat them up, "and rather be their 
destruction than their salvation." 

Supposing then that King Henry brings an English army of 
io,oco men, he should send iooo good horsemen to the places 
under Pierre Gressart (La Charity and others) to work the Loire 
country, while the Duke of Burgundy will reinforce Gressart with 
200 men-at-arms. They will all combine to fight in Berri, and 
advance towards Orleans and the Sologne. 

This advice (as we have already seen) shows the absurdity of 
the statement that Gressart surrendered La Charite, in January 
1430, for 1300 gold crowns ; that the King took with gold the town 
which the Maid failed to take with the sword. At the same time, 
Burgundy's memoir suggests that the French attack on La Charite" 
was made for sufficient strategic reasons, though the assailants 
were left destitute by the King and the people of Bourges. 
However, in fact, the Anglo-Burgundians were unable to carry out 
their scheme. 

Frontier towns, Corbueil and others, the letter of advice says, 
must be well manned to prevent Sens and Melun from victualling 
themselves (for Melun had come over to King Charles in April 
17-23) ; Laon and Soissons must be attempted, to clear the road to 


Reims ; while Burgundy must seize Pont a Choisy (Choisy le Bac), 
with its bridge, to secure his communications in his attack on 
Compiegne, — the central and chief object of his desires : the town 
that, on September 30, 1429, had disobeyed the King's orders to 
surrender to Burgundy, preferring death to that dishonour. They 
had seen the Maid, and were of her spirit. It is vain, the 
Burgundian memorial goes on, to make any direct attack on 
Beauvais, Sens, and Melun, they are too strong. The real objective 
is Compiegne, the other movements are to relieve Paris, and to 
distract the French on their rear. 

We now understand the Burgundian plan of campaign, which 
was entirely ruined, thanks to the resistance of Compiegne, though 
at the cost of the liberty and life of the Maid. She, according to 
the dAlencon chronicler, was highly dissatisfied with the plans and 
preparations of Charles, and left Sully at the end of March without 
the knowledge of her King. This is improbable, and, according to 
M. Anatole France, " Things fell out in quite another way. The 
Maid raised a company of about a hundred horse and sixty-eight 
bowmen, under the command of a Lombard captain, Barthelemy 
Baretta, . . . She was in the hands of d'Aulon, and dAulon was 
in the hands of La Tr^mo'ille, to whom he owed money. The good 
squire would not have followed Jeanne against the King's will." 

Jeanne, in fact, did as she pleased ; dAulon was only her loyal 
servant, and was paid by her. That he, at this date, owed money 
to La Tremoille is (as we have already shown) an error. He 
borrowed the money (500 gold crowns) just two years later, when 
Jeanne was dead, on March 16, 1432 ; and this fact is M. France's 
proof for the statement that dAulon was in debt to La Tremoi'lle 
in March 1430! Having had to ransom himself after being 
captured with Jeanne at Compiegne, in 1432, dAulon was obliged 
to negotiate a loan for two months from La Tremoi'lle. 

M. Champion correctly states that Jeanne left Sully with a little 
troop (her " two or three lances ") " and rode for Lagny-sur-Marne 
because they of Lagny made good war on the English of Paris," 
as says the d'Alencon chronicler. At Lagny she met soldiers of 


goodwill, Baretta, Kennedy (apparently not Sir Hugh, called 
" Come with the penny "), and Ambroise de Lore commanding 
there, or his lieutenant, Foucault. (Baretta commanded thirty-two 
men-at-arms, forty-three cross bowmen, and twenty archers.) To 
this handful had shrunk the armies of Dunois, La Hire, Boussac, 
and de Rais, with whom the Maid was used to ride ; she was not 
sent to accompany any of the great leaders ; she rode off from 
Sully and joined the first company of men warring near Paris whom 
she could encounter. To strike at Paris, with however weak a 
stroke, to be " in France," the old He de France, was always her 
desire. As well as the Duke of Burgundy, she understood the 
necessity of weakening " the heart of the mystic body of the king- 
dom " ; at that task she had wished to be in November, not at 
La Charite\ Her military instinct was correct, but she was 
unsupported. Yet it does not appear that she was wholly without 
Royal backing. She actually possessed, when captured, 12,000 
livres of her King's money — all her war chest. It is probable that 
with this sum she supported Baretta' s handful of men. 

And now her Voices abandoned her : not that they were silent, 
but they gave no warlike counsel. She told her judges the heart- 
breaking story. It was in Easter week (April 17-23), and it seems 
to have been in a moment of triumph, that "as I was on the 
ramparts of Melun, St. Catherine and St. Margaret warned me 
that I should be captured before Midsummer day ; that so it must 
needs be : nor must I be afraid and astounded ; but take all things 
well, for God would help me. So they spoke, almost every day. 
And I prayed that when I was taken I might die in that hour, 
without wretchedness of long captivity ; but the Voices said that 
so it must be. Often I asked the hour, which they told me not ; 
had I known the hour, I would not have gone into battle." 

Her allotted year, she knew, was almost ended, but the pro- 
phecy of the Voices came with the shock of certainty, — the Voices 
that spoke not of instant death, but a myriad times worse, of 
capture. Would not the bravest man, with the prospect of the 
death by fire in case of his capture, would not Ney or Skobelefif, 


Wallace or Gordon, have blenched ? But the Maid rode on, first 
in the charge, last in the retreat. There is no other such tale in 
history. She was the bravest of the brave. 

I have said that this tidings came to her in no hour of depres- 
sion, but of triumph. Melun had been English for ten years : in 
October 1429 it had been handed over by Bedford to the Duke 
of Burgundy. But in April 17-23 the townsfolk ejected the 
Burgundian garrison and captain, and left free to France their 
bridge, and the passage of the Seine. " As no regular French 
army lay before Melun, this proves," says M. Champion, "the 
still abiding value and ascendant of the presence of Jeanne. 
She opened more brilliantly than has been generally recognised 
the campaign of the Oise." 

From Melun, at a date unknown, Jeanne rode to Lagny, due 
east of Paris, and an ill neighbour to the capital, being one of the 
towns recovered for France in August 1429, and now held by a 
garrison of those which were choking " the heart of the kingdom." 
11 Of Jeanne's arrival there was great talk in Paris " ; she soon gave 
them something to talk about. News reached Lagny that a band 
of three or four hundred " Englishmen " was traversing the He de 
France, doing as much mischief to the country as they could. 
The Maid, with Kennedy and his Scots ; Foucault, commanding 
in Lagny for Ambroise de Lord, Baretta, and other leaders, 
determined to meet the " English," which they did ; " and hard 
work they had, for the French were not more numerous than 
the English," says Chartier. The enemy were not under an 
English leader, and may have been mainly Picard allies of 
England. They were all slain or taken, and the French also 
had losses in killed and wounded. The enemy, having archers, 
dismounted in the English way ; probably they fortified themselves, 
as usual, with long pikes, or the chained palisade of stakes. Twice 
the French charged them furiously and were beaten back, but at 
last, says Monstrelet, were reinforced abundantly, and brought up 

Among the prisoners was a gentleman, Franquet d'Arras. 


For some reason unknown, perhaps because he was taken by 
one of her own little band, perhaps merely at her request, Franquet 
was given to the Maid, that she might exchange him for the land- 
lord of the Bear Inn, at Paris, who was one of the conspirators 
seized after the failure of the French plot in March. But the 
landlord of the Bear had died in prison, or had been executed, 
and, at the demand of the Bailli of Senlis, Franquet was tried 
by him and a jury, as we call it, of men of Lagny, on charges 
of murder, robbery, and treachery. His trial lasted for a fortnight ; 
it was not a drumhead court martial ; he confessed to the charges 
against him, and he was executed. The Burgundians, accustomed 
to gentlemanly murder, robbery, and treachery, were horrified, and 
her judges made the death of Franquet a great point against the 
Maid. She replied by stating the facts as we have given them. 
She received Franquet as a pledge for the life of the landlord of 
the Bear; the landlord being dead, and civil justice demanding 
Franquet, she handed him over ; he was tried, he confessed, and 
he was executed. Burgundian writers later averred that Jeanne 
cut off his head with her own hand, because he refused to kneel 
to her ! 

As we have already seen, at Lagny Jeanne still had the famous 
sword of Fierbois, which she is commonly said to have broken 
while slapping a leaguer-lass with the flat. At Lagny she obtained 
a sword taken from a Burgundian, and bore it till her capture, " a 
good sword to give good smacks and good strokes " ; what she did 
with the sword of Fierbois she refused to say. She never slew 
any man ; she carried her standard in her right hand, her left held 
the reins. " Whether the life of war had hardened her, or whether, 
like all ecstatics, she was subject to sudden changes of temper, 
she did not show at Lagny the mildness of Pathay " (where she 
was not in the fighting line). " This Virgin, who previously, in 
battle, had no arm but her standard, now used a sword found at 
Lagny, a good sword to hit and strike," says a critic. 

In fact, she had always worn both sword and sperth, and had 
daggers to boot. But no man, on any occasion, — not even in the 


moment of her capture, — bears witness that the Maid ever dealt 
a stroke with the edge. She knew that she was to be taken, and 
did not choose that the sword of Fierbois should fall into the 
hands of the enemy : apparently for the same reason she did not 
carry her standard at Compiegne, for we hear nothing of its 

Jeanne neither worked nor professed to work miracles. She 
did not pretend to heal people by touching them with her ring 
that had touched St. Catherine. Moreover, even the mythopceic 
nature of an excited people rarely attributed miracles to the Maid, 
a very extraordinary fact when we remember the amazing miracles 
which were freely attributed to St. Colette. But at Lagny there 
seems to have been a popular effort to connect Jeanne with a 
miracle, nothing less than that great performance of St. Colette — 
a resurrection ! 

Once, when the Saint was absent from her convent at Poligny, 
a sister died. She then appeared to the Saint, — like Dr. Johnson's 
dead wife to Dr. Johnson in the story, — with such an aspect as too 
forcibly proved that she was lost. The Saint at once sent an express 
to the convent, forbidding the nuns to bury the dead sister before her 
own return. On the fourth day St. Colette went back to the sisters, 
and commanded the corpse to arise. The corpse did so, went to 
the altar, kneeled, and prayed "in the sight of a watchful multitude, 
breathless with wonder and profoundly affected." The corpse then 
walked to the confessional, made her confession, returned, ad- 
dressed the sisters, lay down quietly in her coffin, ceased to breathe, 
and was buried. 

The miracle attributed to Jeanne at Lagny was less out of the 
common course. 

Her judges asked her, " How old was the boy whom you raised 
up at Lagny ? " 

" He was three days old, and he was brought before the image 
of the Blessed Virgin. I was told that the maids of the town were 
gathered before the image, and I was asked to go and pray to God 
and the Virgin that life might be restored to the child. I went, 


with the other maids, and prayed, and at last there seemed to be 
life in the child, who gasped thrice, was baptized ; then instantly 
died, and was buried in holy ground. For three days, as people 
said, he had given no sign of life. He was as black as my coat, 
but when he gasped, his colour began to come back." 

" Was it said in the town that you had caused the resurrection, 
and that it was done at your prayer ? " 

" I asked no questions on the subject," answered Jeanne, with 
proud disdain. 

If it were a sin to pray, and were sorcery to receive a favourable 
answer, at least the prayer was collective, and all the maids of 
Lagny were greatly guilty. 


A MINOR miracle which occurred at this time, proves that good 
men prayed for the Maid, not knowing, as she knew, that her fate 
was shapen. She told no man of the prediction of her approaching 
capture, lest she should discourage her comrades ; perhaps lest 
they should force her to seek safety with the King, — who was 
always in a safe place. Since the Voices spoke at Melun, she had 
usually followed the counsel of the captains in war. 

Meanwhile, as regards the minor miracle, on the night of April 
1 8 a priest of Angers had such a headache that he expected to die. 
He prayed, as was his wont, to St. Catherine of Fierbois. Instantly 
his pain vanished ; in a few days he was able to walk ; he made a 
pilgrimage to Fierbois, and "said a Mass for the King and the 
noble Maid." 

From Lagny, Jeanne had gone to Senlis with iooo horse 
under various leaders. She and the captains were admitted into 
the city; not so the men-at-arms, the town could not afford to 
entertain them. 

Meanwhile (April 22) the King was still dallying with the idea 
of a congress of the Powers at Auxerre, to arrange a general peace, 
and was not without hope that the Duke of Burgundy would meet 
his envoys on June 1. But the English, as Charles told the Duke 
of Savoy, seemed to be far from enthusiastic for peace ; as was 
visible enough, Henry VI being on the point of invading France 
with a large army. The French King pitifully complained that he 
had been unable to fulfil his promise of handing Compiegne over 

to Burgundy, but, on the other hand, Burgundy had not restored to 



him Pont Sainte Maxence. If Charles's men have broken truce, 
he says, so have Burgundy's men ; they have tried to take Troyes. 

It took Charles and his advisers exactly ten months to discover 
the truth which the Maid had announced by letter to the people of 
Reims on August 5, 1429, saying, "I am not content with these 
truces," which she thinks may be merely intended " to deceive the 
Royal blood." The peasant girl, in August 1429, saw through the 
diplomacy of Burgundy, and on May 6, 1430, her King announced 
to the people of Reims that the Duke of Burgundy " has never had, 
and now has not any intention of coming to terms of peace, but 
always has favoured and does favour our enemies." 

No heavenly Voices were needed in July 1429 to inform the 
Maid that the Duke of Burgundy was hoaxing her King, his 
favourite La Tr^moi'lle, his de Treves, his de Gaucourt, and the 
rest of his advisers. Beyond the circle of the politicians and diplo- 
matists of France, the truth of the case was visible to plain men ; 
to the people of Compiegne, Troyes, Reims, to every one. But the 
politicians chose to be deceived. 

Such was the end of the wisdom of the wise, of the King, the 
Archbishop of Reims, La Tnfmoi'lle, de Gaucourt, and the rest. 
Five more years of war before the treaty of Arras was all that 
the King and Council gained by preferring their own wisdom to 
the wisdom of Jeanne d'Arc, "the beguine" the visionary, the 
simple, ignorant, hallucinated, puzzle-headed lass. 

Burgundy had been concentrating his forces and his copious 
artillery at Montdidier, some thirty miles north-west of the main 
object of his desire, Compiegne. Compiegne rivalled or excelled 
Orleans in its extent and strength, and commanded the passage 
of the Oise, and that route to Paris. Situated on the southern 
bank of the river, not like Orleans, on the north of the Loire; 
like Orleans it had a river frontage, protected by a deeper stream, 
and unlike Orleans, it had fosses full of water. Behind it, to the 
south, was a great forest, just as Orleans had a forest to the north. 
The Anglo-Burgundians first secured their footing on the farther 
side, the northern side of the river, and, as at Orleans, their earliest 







fe 1 




task was to attack the strongly fortified bridge-head. Meanwhile 
the city was not invested on the other bank, and the forest con- 
cealed the advance of convoys and relieving forces from that 
quarter. The enceintes of the two cities are almost identical in 
extent and formation. 

The main object of the Anglo-Burgundian campaign of 1430 
was to capture Compiegne, whence they could enter and dominate 
the He de France, and relieve Paris. Henry VI landed at Calais on 
April 23 ; in less than a month an Anglo-Burgundian command 
was encamped along the Oise, opposite the coveted city. The 
Duke of Burgundy from Montdidier, marching due west, occupied 
Noyon, south of which, at a distance of two miles, lay the strong 
place of Pont l'Eveque, with its invaluable bridge over the Oise, 
which was held by a stout English garrison. Just above Compiegne, 
the Aisne, on the southern side, falls almost at -right angles into 
the Oise. Immediately above the junction, on the northern bank 
of the Aisne, was the strong place of Choisy-le-Bac. If that were 
in Burgundian hands a French force operating south of the Aisne 
could find no nearer bridge than that of Soissons, held at the 
moment by France. 

The great first object of the French loyalists was therefore to 
capture the town of Pont l'Eveque, and cut the Burgundian lines 
of communication southwards across the Oise, while Burgundy 
was besieging Choisy-le-Bac, with its bridge across the Aisne. 
To assist in this manoeuvre the Maid, on May 13, entered 
Compiegne from the south. Here she met, for the last time, 
the Archbishop of Reims and the Comte de Vendome. To her, 
as to these dignitaries, the town presented wine, as was usual. 

With a force estimated, probably by exaggeration, at from 
2000 to 4000 men, under Poton de Saintrailles and three other 
captains, the Maid attacked Pont l'Eveque at dawn. The English 
garrison is also overestimated, probably, at 1200 to 800 men; in 
either case it was more than adequate to hold a strong place 
against a sudden camisade. The French, however, were gaining 
ground when the Burgundian garrison of Noyon, two miles away, 


came up and fell on their rear. They were obliged to withdraw, 
though as the killed are stated at only thirty men on each side, 
the righting must have been the reverse of resolute. 

On May 16, Choisy-le-Bac surrendered to Burgundy on terms; 
the captain, — Louis, brother of Guillaume de Flavy, — with his 
garrison and great gun, was allowed to retire into Compiegne by 
terms of the capitulation. 

The French and the Maid returned to Compiegne. Their 
aim was now to fall on the rear of the Burgundians ; but to do 
this they must cross the Aisne, and they had now no nearer 
bridge than that of Soissons, far away to the east. 

On May 18, Jeanne and the whole force rode to Soissons, 
accompanied by the Archbishop of Reims, who there parted 
from Jeanne for the last time, and took an early opportunity of 
blackening her character. Perhaps she knew not this, but, though 
she had admirable opportunities of speaking her mind about him, 
the loyal girl never uttered a syllable against any one of her 

Soissons was held for France by a treacherous Picard, named 
Guiscard Bournel, who had been placed there by the incapable 
Charles de Bourbon, the fugitive of Rouvray fight. Bournel, 
claiming the privilege of the good town, refused to allow the army 
to enter, and then sold the town to Burgundy for 4000 salus dor. 
The document attesting his infamy is extant, and has been dis- 
covered by M. Pierre Champion. Her judges accused Jeanne of 
swearing profane, when she heard of the treachery of the Picard 
(who joined the Burgundian army), and of saying that, if she had 
him, she would cause him to be quartered, precisely the punish- 
ment which he had deserved by the law of the day. She answered 
that she never swore, and that those who said so must have mis- 
heard her. 

The French army now broke up, crossing Marne and Seine, as 
the country could not support them ; and the town of Compiegne 
could not supply so large a garrison, being already sufficiently 
manned. But Jeanne, knowing that the English and Burgundians 


had now actually established themselves opposite Compiegne, on 
the northern bank of Oise, insisted on riding thither with the 
little band of Barth&emy Baretta, which, reckoning four men to 
each lance, cannot have numbered more than 200. The d'Alencon 
chronicler, Perceval de Cagny, cannot have been in her company 
at this moment. But he dictated his Memoirs only six years 
after the fatal event at Compiegne, and he had doubtless heard 
the reminiscences of companions of the Maid, probably from 
d'Aulon. De Cagny always writes of her in a tone of the warmest 
affection and the highest admiration : he regards her kindness for 
his chief as one of the glories of his House. 

According to de Cagny, then, Jeanne was at Crepy when she 
heard that the Duke of Burgundy and the Earl of Arundel were 
encamped in face of Compiegne with a large force. About mid- 
night (May 22-23) sne teft Cr^py, with her company of 300 or 
400 combatants (really with about half that number at most, as 
far as Baretta's band is concerned). They told her that they 
were but few to pass through the hosts of English and 
Burgundians ; but she said, " Par mon martin^ we are enough : I 
will go to see my good friends at Compiegne." 

In fact, by rapid riding through the forest paths on the 
southern side of the river, not yet occupied by the enemy, she 
entered Compiegne, unopposed, about sunrise on May 23. There 
is no record of her reception by the notables of the city in the 
town's books of accounts. It is hardly worth while to criticise a 
story of May 23, gleaned in 1498 from the lips of two men over 
ninety, who were young in 1430. These men must have been 
older than Jeanne, and so were not among the children to whom 
she is reported to have said, in church, " Children and dear friends, 
I tell you that I am sold and betrayed, and will soon be delivered 
over to death. Pray God for me. Never more shall I have power 
to serve the King and kingdom of France." 

No doubt Alain Bouchart, who collected this story from the 
lips of the nonagenarians in July 1498, states what he heard. 
" But, Lord ! what liars we old men be ! " The Maid herself told 


her judges that she had no warning from her Voices of the day 
and hour of her capture. " Had I known, I would not have sallied 
forth." She also says that she concealed from her men her fore- 
knowledge of her fate. Is it likely, then, that, at any one of her 
three last visits to Compiegne, she publicly announced her appre- 
hensions to the people and a crowd of children in church ? 

We know nothing of what passed in Compiegne on May 23 
till five o'clock, the hour of the fatal sortie ; but it is most probable 
that the weary riders took rest, that Jeanne heard Mass, and that 
she consulted with de Flavy. 

We must now describe the positions of the Anglo-Burgundian 
forces. Opposite the bridge-head on the northern side of the 
river, at the village of Margny, Baudot de Noyelles commanded 
a small Burgundian outpost, "the camp of our advanced guard 
and the nearest to the enemy," says the Duke of Burgundy, writing 
on the day of the events. Above Margny is a cliff with a wide 
prospect ; below, Baudot's post occupied the head of a long paved 
causeway, built through marshy and often flooded meadows. 
Beyond Margny, and a mile and a half from the town, farther 
up the river bank, is Clairoix, then held in great force by a 
famous warrior, the veteran Jean de Luxembourg, Comte de 
Ligny. Farther down the river than Margny, by some two miles, 
is Venette, the camp of the English under Montgomery. These 
dispositions are given by Monstrelet, the soldier-chronicler, who 
was present. At Coudun, concealed by the high land above 
Margny, and by the valley of the Aronde, lay the Duke of 
Burgundy, within a league of Margny. 

About five o'clock in the evening the Maid, with Poton le 
Bourguignon, brother of d'Aulon (not Saintrailles), and "some 
other captains," and with from 400 to 500 men, horse and foot, 
says Monstrelet, swept out of the town, across the bridge, and 
beat up the quarters of Baudot de Noyelles. The object of the 
sortie, says Monstrelet, was simply to clear out the isolated post 
of Baudot, and render the place untenable. 

Burgundian chroniclers aver that the Maid, before sallying out, 


announced many " foolish phantomries " and " divine revelations," 
saying that she would capture the Duke of Burgundy, and destroy 
his force ! That she announced revelations is alleged by her 
accuser in his long paper of charges. She was not asked, 
however, whether or not she proclaimed that she had received 
revelations ; she was asked whether the Voices gave any advice, 
and she said, " None ! " Had she known that she was to be 
taken, and had the Voices nevertheless bidden her sally out, she 
would have obeyed them, she declared. 

In fact, the sortie was an ordinary operation of war, a sudden 
attack on a small outpost, probably but ill-fortified, at an hour 
when, says Monstrelet, most of the men of Baudot had laid aside 
their armour. It was a surprise. De Flavy, to secure the retreat, 
had lined the ramparts of Compiegne with culverin men, archers, 
and cross-bow men, and filled with bowmen a number of small 
boats, ranged along the farther bank of the river; so writes a 
contemporary advocate in the cause of that ill-fated soldier. 

Her retreat thus covered and her task easy, Jeanne, on her 
grey horse, with her scarlet gold-embroidered hucque, must have 
sallied forth with a heart as light as it was resolute. She 
scattered the men of the outpost through the village, but the 
Duke of Burgundy avers that not one of his men was killed or 
taken ! At this hour, Jean de Luxembourg, with the Sieur de 
Crequi and eight or ten other gentlemen, was riding from Clairoix 
on a visit to Baudot. They had drawn rein on the cliff of 
Margny and were reconnoitring the town, which lay far below 
them. But for this accident, the Maid would have returned safe 
and successful ; Baudot would not have been reinforced from 
Clairoix. But Jean de Luxembourg, observing the attack on 
Baudot, sent back riders to his force at Clairoix, who came up 
at the gallop. Twice, as when with La Hire she drove back 
the English at Les Augustins, the Maid charged the men of 
Jean de Luxembourg and forced them back, she told her 
judges, to Baudot's position at the end of the causeway. A 
third time, riding in the rear, "as she that was the chief, and 


the most valiant of her band," says a Burgundian chronicler, 
" doing deeds beyond the nature of woman, there, as Fortune 
granted it, for the end of her glory, and for that her last day 
under arms," she drove the enemy back by half the length of 
the causeway. 

So she charged, caring only for the safety of her band; the 
Burgundian chroniclers honourably acknowledge the greatness of 
her conduct. But most of her men had fled to the boats and 
the bridge. And now, she says, the English from La Venette 
came up (5000 men, writes Monstrelet !) and cut her off from 
safety. She seems, by her own account, to have been driven off 
the causeway "on to the fields," the heavy marshy meadows. 

It has been said that the delay in executing the retreat was 
caused by the booty which the Maid's men stopped to collect 
and were reluctant to abandon. This is the mere guess of a 
modern historian. Of course the sortie was not made merely 
to scatter Baudot's men ; it was necessary to render their post 
untenable : this needed time. The whole adventure, from the 
first exit to the capture of the Maid, perhaps lasted but one 
hour. The Burgundians from Clairoix, warned by Jean de 
Luxembourg, would arrive in small companies, and as their 
numbers swelled they were able to drive back the party of the 
Maid, who thrice compelled them, in their turn, to retreat. But 
every minute the Burgundians were reinforced. 

Now all her men had fled ; only d'Aulon, his brother, her 
brothers, and two or three more were with her when she was 
surrounded by men of all the hostile forces, Burgundians, Picards, 
Englishmen ; nothing then was between her and Compiegne but 
the river bank and the outwork with its moat. The drawbridge 
was raised, lest the pursuers should enter with the flying throng ; 
but the Maid never reached the drawbridge. She was forced 
into the meadows, she was surrounded, she was dragged from 
her horse by an archer of the Bastard of Wandonne ; her friends 
could not remount her. Chastellain, the late Burgundian writer, 
says that she asked the archer if he were noble, and that she 


gave him her faith as a prisoner, when he replied that he was. 
Historians who accept this picturesque statement give the Maid 
the lie. 

" Never did I give my faith to any man," she answered her 
judges haughtily, when they desired her to be on her parole not 
to attempt to escape. De Cagny reports her words thus : When 
asked to surrender she said, " I have sworn and given my faith 
to another than you," — to God and the King, — " and I will keep 
my oath ! " 

Many a time she had implored her Saints that, when taken, 
she might meet instant death. Now, and it was like her, she 
tried to secure her death by refusing to surrender. Captives were 
apt to be slain if they declined to yield themselves, or, as after 
Jargeau, were murdered in a scuffle between the men who took 
them, and quarrelled over their claims. 

But the Maid was too great a prize. She, her brothers, and 
d'Aulon were carried off in triumph, also Poton le Bourguignon. 
But Baretta had not given his life or freedom for the protection 
of the rear, and no man of name and eminence shared the glory 
and the calamity of Jeanne dArc. When the Duke of Burgundy, 
in his bulletin of the day, says " many captains, knights, squires, are 
dead or taken," il ment comme un bulletin, we hear of none of them. 

This was the glorious end of her glory in arms. She, with 
certain foreknowledge of her fate, had accepted her doom, being, 
like Bayard on a later day, a willing sacrifice for the people whom 
she had led." She was the Flower of Chivalry ; brave as d Argentine 
at Bannockburn, but brave for a nobler end than the winning of 
deathless renown. 

Guy de Laval, La Hire, Dunois, Poton de Saintrailles, dAlengon, 
had you been there the Maid had not been taken ! The charge 
of treachery against de Flavy is quite baseless. He could neither 
succour the Maid by a sortie, nor leave the drawbridge down in 
face of a charge of Englishmen whom Monstrelet could number 
at 5000. His first duty was to the town, which he so manfully 
and successfully defended. 


The soldiers, with shouts of joy, led the Maid to their quarters. 
The Duke of Burgundy, who had come up too late for the fighting, 
went to see her. " Some words he exchanged with her," says 
Monstrelet, who was present, " which I do not well remember." 
It is not likely that the Duke had the better in the exchange of 
words, and Monstrelet may have preferred to forget them. 

Both the Duke and Jean de Luxembourg wrote joyous 
despatches containing the glad news. Luxembourg addressed his 
to his brother, Bishop of TheVouanne, and Chancellor of France 
under Henry vi. So great a prize as the Maid was not permitted 
to a mere archer ; the property in her lay between the Bastard de 
Wandonne and his superior, Jean de Luxembourg. He was in 
English pay, so the King of England had a claim on Jeanne, as 
he especially asserted a claim to Charles vn, if taken, and to other 
French princes. {See Note.) 

Thus it was Jean de Luxembourg who finally got the money 
for which Jeanne was bought and sold ; and perhaps historical 
candour may admit that, as he was in English pay, by the rules 
of war he could not but give her up, just as the Scots had no choice 
but to hand Charles I over to the English. Neither they nor Jean 
were compelled to take the blood-money. 

The capture rejoiced the hearts of the false French and of 
the Archbishop of Reims. The University of Paris, violently 
Burgundian, and the Vicar-General of the Inquisition, wrote (the 
Inquisitor on May 26) to the Duke of Burgundy, asking that 

Jeanne might be handed over to Inquisitorial mercies and "the 



justice of the Church." The other letter is undated : the writers 
say that " they fear the malice of wicked persons, who, as 
is said, are taking great pains to release the said woman, in 
exquisite ways." 

The English had, from the first, proclaimed their intention to 
burn Jeanne d'Arc alive, if they could catch her. They had even 
consulted the University of Paris, in May 1429, on the propriety 
of burning her herald. But the first persons to take practical 
steps towards burning the Maid were the French doctors and 
priests, lights of the Gallican Church. French priests and lawyers 
tried her, with infamous injustice ; the unnamed witnesses against 
her were French ; French priests and lawyers condemned her, and 
handed her over to a French executioner : and all these things t 
they did with zest, and would have done, had there been no English 
concerned ; had the quarrel been solely between Armagnacs and 
Franco - Burgundians. Moreover, the odious English tradition 
about the Maid was based on French authorities. 

~We know nothing of any attempt by the Maid's party to 
release her, either by purchasing her from Jean de Luxembourg 
(who would probably, if he could, have sold her to the highest 
bidder), or by threatening reprisals on Anglo-Burgundian prisoners, 
or by the sword. The King and clergy of her party did not even 
appeal to the Pope. Jeanne, as far as our authorities enlighten us, 
was absolutely abandoned, except by the good people who, in extant 
collects, pray God to break her irons. The King was at Jargeau 
when a messenger from Compiegne, after the disaster, brought the 
request of the people that he would aid them. Probably they 
mentioned the capture of the Maid ; if so, the fact is not recorded. 
Charles answered that he would come swiftly in person to relieve 
the city ; of course he broke his Royal word. 

The Archbishop of Reims betrays the tone of the French clergy 
and of the King's advisers. His letter to the people of Reims, 
great friends of the Maid, has only reached us in a summary 
made in the seventeenth century ; but that is enough to damn the 
Archbishop. He tells the news of the capture, and says that 


Jeanne " would not take advice, but did as she chose.'' To what 
advice he refers, we know not. Had he wanted the Maid to ac- 
company him, when they parted at Soissons on May 18? Did 
he ask her to aid the people of Reims, who, after all their anxiety, 
were in no danger of a siege ? 

After his callous and ungrateful observation about the girl who 
had restored him to his see (even if she had perhaps prevented 
him from embezzling a crown), the Archbishop shows an extreme 
cynicism. God, he writes, has sent a new prophet, a shepherd 
boy, "who says neither more nor less than Jeanne la Pucelle. 
He is commanded by God to go to the King, and defeat the 
English and Burgundians." The young shepherd also criticises 
the Maid : " God has suffered Jeanne to be taken because of her 
pride and her rich raiment, and because she had acted after her 
own will, and not followed the commands laid on her by God." 

The boy knew what these divine commands were, and that 
was enough for the Archbishop. They actually took this boy to 
the army, where he rode sideways, and displayed stigmata after 
the manner of St. Francis. The English caught him in a battle 
where they also caught de Saintrailles, exhibited him in triumph 
when Henry VI entered Paris, and drowned him without trial. 
The Archbishop reveals amazing depths of French cynicism or 
superstition. It was easy for the boy to " say neither more nor 
less than the Maid"; to do more, or as much, was not found 

All clerics were not on the level of the mitred one of Reims. 
The Archbishop of Embrun wrote to his King words as bold and 
true as the Archbishop of Glasgow wrote to Mary Stuart after 
Darnley's murder. " For the recovery of this girl, and for the 
ransom of her life, I bid you spare neither means nor money, 
howsoever great the price, unless you would incur the indelible 
shame of most disgraceful ingratitude." The King preferred to 
keep the shame, and his money for his pleasures and for La 
Tr^moille. He had less than princely gratitude ; and she, in sight 
of the stake, and amidst a throng of angry English soldiers and 


hateful French priests, proclaimed him "the noblest Christian in 
the world." His apologist suggests that Charles really could not 
help it, not being his own master, and that he was very sorry. 

After keeping Jeanne for three or four days at Clairoix, 
Jean de Luxembourg sent her to the castle of Beaulieu in the 
Vermandois, a place of which the Bastard of Wandonne was then, 
or later, captain. She was treated as a prisoner of war ; dAulon 
attended her, and the dAlencon chronicler probably received the 
following anecdote from d'Aulon himself. One day he said to 
her, " That poor town of Compiegne, which you have loved so 
dearly, will now be placed in the hands of the enemies of France." 

" It shall not be," answered Jeanne, " for no places which the 
King of Heaven has put in the hands of the gentle King Charles 
by my aid, shall be retaken by his enemies while he does his 
best to keep them." 

The words are in the very style of the Maid. The King 
showed no diligence in succouring Compiegne ; but the skill 
and tenacity of de Flavy, and the courageous endurance of the 
townsfolk, enabled the city to hold out till, on October 25-26, they 
were rescued by a combined movement of Venddme and Saint- 
railles, and a sortie of the citizens en masse. The enemy was 
forced to make a sudden and shameful retreat, losing all the 
Burgundian artillery, guns of position, and field-pieces ; and many 
adjacent strong places and towns. The Anglo-Burgundian plan of 
campaign was shattered. 

Meanwhile the condition of Compiegne for five weary months 
preyed on the mind of Jeanne, who cherished the hope of 
escaping, and living or dying with the townsfolk. Her idea was 
to escape intra duas pecias nemoris, which appears to mean 
" between two groves " ; the French has entre deux pieces de boys> 
usually rendered " between two planks." To her judges she said, 
" I never was prisoner in any place but I would gladly have 
escaped." She was not under parole ; she had given her faith 
to no man. " I would have locked up my guardian in a certain 
tower, but the porter saw me and stopped me. As it seems to me 


it was not God's will that I should then escape. My Voices told 
me that needs must I see the King of England," a boy whom, 
as she observed, she did not wish to see. 

Meanwhile, soon after July 14, Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of 
Beauvais, expelled from his see by the arms of France, presented 
himself at the camp of Jean de Luxembourg before Compiegne. 
He was a violent enemy of France ; he had a personal hatred of 
the Maid, and he was commissioned by BedforcTto extracT^her 
from the hands of Jean de Luxembourg. The Maid had ^een 
taken within the limits of Cauchon's see ; so he said, but the 
Chanoine Dunand avers that Compiegne was not in the see of 
Beauvais but of Soissons. Cauchon claimed to be her judge, but 
that he could not be without authority delegated from the Bishop 
of Soissons or of Toul. He had no such authority.' He maintained 
that Henry VI, as King of France, had a right to the person of 
any captured king, prince, or person of high rank, at a price of 
10,000 francs. Jeanne was no princess, she was a peasant girl, 
but she was worth a Royal ransom to the English. Their hearts 
were set on release from the terror with which the girl had 
paralysed their men ; they desired the most cruel of revenges ; they 
were anxious, as were the French priests and doctors, their subjects, 
to involve the King of France in their victim's guilt as a heretic 
and a sorceress. To these infamies had fallen chivalry and faith ; 
knights were eager to burn the bravest of their enemies, a woman ; 
priests were determined to destroy the sweetest Christian alive. 

Cauchon represented the meanest of mercenary surrenders, the 
selling of the Maid to the English, as the first duty of chivalry. 
" The foremost oath of the Order of Chivalry is to guard and 
defend the honour of God." The honour of God ! He mentioned 
the report "on dzt" that the French were trying to release Jeanne 
by way of ransom. It is always " on dit!" There is no trace of 
any such attempt to outbid England. "The Church" demands 
the body of the Maid, and offers English gold. The impudence 
with which Cauchon covers the priests of his party under the 
name of the Church is not the least of his offences. The Church 


was assembling for the Council of Basel ; the Council, if any body 
of men, were the judges of the Maid. To the Council, finally, 
she appealed — but only the first words of her appeal are written 
in the French minute of her trial ; in the official Latin version 
they are suppressed. Such was the justice of Cauchon's " Church," 
Ecclesia Malignantium, the Assembly of the Malignants. 

There is a story to the effect that the English nobles at Rouen 
desired to sew Jeanne up in a sack and drown her out of hand in 
the river. It had been a merciful death. But the Earl of Warwick 
pointed out to them the moral advantage of burning her as a 
heretic. The anecdote is of late origin ; it appears in a Latin epic 
on the Maid, printed in 15 16. 

It seems that the stay of Jeanne at Beaulieu was not for more 
than a fortnight. There was a report that she had escaped, 
founded, perhaps, on her attempt to escape. She was now 
removed to Beaurevoir Castle, forty miles north of Beaulieu, 
where she lay between the beginning of June and the end of 
September. Here she was in the friendly hands of ladies ; the 
aunt of Jean de Luxembourg, Jeanne, who was old and near her 
death ; Jeanne de Bethune, Vicomtesse de Meaux, his wife ; and 
her daughter by a former marriage, Jeanne de Bar. 

The ladies were anxious that she should lay aside man's dress 
and provided her with stuff for gowns. She replied that she could 
not obey them without leave from God : " It was not yet time " ; 
^ e L^I?§sjva.s^sym^^ofJier resolute adherence to her mission. 

In a recapitulation of the evidence, not in the record itself, it 
is recorded that she said, " The Demoiselle de Luxembourg " (the 
oldest of the three ladies) " begged Jean de Luxembourg not to 
hand me over to the English." This is an example of the 
omissions in the reports of her answers ; the fact, so honourable 
to the Demoiselle and to womanhood, does not appear in the 
minute. " I would have changed my fashion of dress, if it had 
been within my duty, at the request of these two ladies, rather 
than for any soul in France, except my Queen." 

One Haimond de Macy, a knight, saw the Maid at Beaurevoir, 


and attempted to take liberties with her, which she repulsed. 
Another captive, Mary Stuart, would probably have escaped by 
aid of Haimond de Macy. ' But Jeanne, says de Macy, " was of 
honest conversation in word and deed." She could not stoop to 
the use of feminine witcheries. De Macy's evidence closes thus : 
" I believe she is in Paradise." 

Jeanne's mind was entirely engaged in pity for the folk of 
Compiegne, and anxiety about the siege, an operation as important 
as the siege of Orleans. She had heard that, if the town were 
stormed, all within it over seven years of age were to be 
massacred : her enemies had attributed similar designs to the 
French, if they captured Paris. After long argument with her 
Voices, which dissuaded her, she leaped from the tower, and by 
some miracle broke no bone of her body. She was found 

" I would rather die than live after such a massacre of good 
people," she said to her judges, "And that was one of the reasons 
of my leap from the tower of Beanrevoir. The other reason was, 
that I was sold to the English; and I would rather die than be 
in the hands of my enemies of England." She had good reason 
for her choice. 

" Did your Voices bid you leap ? " 

" Nay, St. Catherine almost daily forbade me, saying that God 
would help them of Compiegne. I answered that since God would 
aid them, I desired to be with them. St. Catherine answered : 
'You must bear these things gladly, and delivered you will not 
be till you have seen the King of England.' ' Verily,' I answered, 
1 1 have no will to see him, and would rather die than be in 
English hands.' " 

" Did you say to the Saints, ' Will God let these good folk of 
Compiegne perish in such evil fashion?'" 

(Can any one have overheard her own voice parleying with 
her Saints?) 

"No, I did not say 'in such evil fashion.' I said, 'What, 
will God leave these good people to die, who have been and who 


are so loyal to their Lord?' After I fell, I was two or three 
days without tasting food; and was so much injured that I could 
neither eat nor drink. Yet I was comforted by St. Catherine, 
who bade me confess, and pray God's pardon for having leaped. 
She told me, moreover, that they of Compiegne should have 
succour before Martinmas." (They had succour about a fortnight 
before Martinmas.) " Then I recovered, and began to eat, and 
soon was well." 

" Did you expect to kill yourself when you leaped ? " 

" No, I recommended myself to God, and hoped to escape 
and not to be given up to the English." 

"When you recovered speech did you curse God and the 
Saints, as our evidence shows ? " 

" I cannot remember that I ever did such a thing, there or 
anywhere ; and I did not tell it in confession, for I have no 
memory of any such thing. I leave it to God and no other, and 
to faithful confession." 

The height of the tower of Beaurevoir must have been about 
sixty feet. There is a version of this incident, according to which 
Jeanne attempted to let herself down from the tower by some 
method, but the attachment broke. It is only certain that she 
knew her enterprise to be almost desperate, and that she disobeyed 
her Voices, repented, confessed, and was forgiven. 

About this time two women visionaries, who had been in the 
Maid's company in November or December 1430, fell into the 
hands of the English. One of them recanted, the other, La 
Pierronne, was resolute in retaining her faith in the Maid and 
in her own visions of the Deity in medieval costume, a long 
white robe and a scarlet hucque. She was burned alive on 
September 3. It was the policy of the Inquisitor to class together 
Jeanne, Catherine of La Rochelle, and the two others as " four 
poor women all alike governed by Brother Richard." The same 
policy was that of Beaumarchais, and is adopted by a recent 
historian : Jeanne and the rest are " the Saints of the Dauphin 
Charles," le biguinage royal. It is edifying to find a modern 



votary of historical science in full agreement with the Church — 
as represented by the Grand Inquisitor, who was the foe of his 
country and the willing tool of his country's enemies and oppressors. 

^vvdjjxoaav yap 6vres <-x@ lcrT01 T ?> irplv 
irvp nal 6a\a<r<ra. 

From Beaurevoir, Jeanne made her only known appeal to 
members of her party. Two citizens of the loyal town of Tournai, 
men who had been at her King's coronation, happened to visit 
the castle, and by them she sent a letter to their city, praying 
for the gift of twenty or thirty gold crowns for her needs. It 
appears that the townsfolk of Tournai supplied her with the 
pieces of gold. 

We may be sure that the kind ladies of Luxembourg did not 
allow Jeanne to want for anything while she was under their 
roof. But she now knew that she was sold, that she must leave 
them. The Bishop of Beauvais, Cauchon, had travelled to 
Beaurevoir, to Compiegne, to Flanders, to the Duke of Burgundy, 
in full cry for her blood. He was paid 765 livres tournois for his 
exertions, which were continued to the last day of September 1430. 

The result of his negotiations was the removal of the Maid to 
Arras, in Burgundian territory. Here Jean de Pressy and others 
tried to induce her to wear female attire ; and here, in the hands of 
a Scottish archer, she saw a picture of herself, in full armour, 
kneeling and handing a letter to her King. She never saw another 
picture of herself, never caused any to be made ; but there was 
abundance of popular imagery, designed from memory or from 
imagination. Her accuser says that people " deemed her the 
greatest of the Saints after Our Lady, and placed images and 
representations of her in the churches," for which she was not 
responsible. She was asked whether she had got possession of 
files at Beaurevoir and Arras. " If they were found on me I have 
no need to answer." Possibly the Scottish archer managed to 
smuggle a file into her hands ; one would gladly think so. 

England now had only to raise the blood-money for Jean de 


Luxembourg ; and as the country was weary of war imposts, 
Bedford got 120,000 livres from the Estates of Normandy, of 
which 10,000 were to be devoted to the purchase ofjehanne la 
Pucelle, said to be a witch, and certainly a military personage, 
leader of the hosts of the Dauphin." The English, like the French, 
thought Jeanne a war leader ; it has been left to modern writers 
to contradict them. 

The tax had to be collected, which caused delay, but in 
November, Jean de Luxembourg, resisting the prayers of the lady, 
his aunt, had sold the girl, recognised as " a prisoner of war," to those 
who, as he knew, meant to burn her alive. To do so was, according 
to Cauchon, the foremost duty of a chivalrous gentleman. She 
passed a night at the castle of Drugy, and thence was taken to 
Crotoy, a castle by the sea. 

We have already heard of Haimond de Macy, who persecuted 
Jeanne with his attentions at Beaurevoir. He says that at Crotoy 
she was a constant hearer of the Masses said by Nicolas de 
Queuville, Chancellor of the Church of Amiens, a loyal Frenchman 
and a prisoner, who heard Jeanne in confession, and said that she 
was a most devout and excellent Christian ; so much may the 
opinions of Churchmen differ! Cauchon would let her hear no 
Mass ; and it may be doubted if he allowed her confession, except 
on the last day of her earthly life. 

The French Doctors of the English party were exasperated by 
the delays. The University of Paris, on November 21, accused 
Cauchon of want of zeal in the good cause ! Jeanne ought to be 
tried, they said, at Paris, " for the glory of God." Little Henry VI, 
a somewhat feeble-minded boy, was also appealed to by the 
Doctors of Paris. We see how eager and determined these 
Frenchmen were to destroy the Maid ; they spurred on the English. 

The English, of course, were glad enough to serve the turn of 
these false Frenchmen. They brought her to Rouen in November, 
and incarcerated her in a tower of the ancient castle of Philip 
Augustus. She ought, if a prisoner of the Church, to have been 
in courteous prison, with women about her. She was placed "in 


a dark cell, fettered and in irons," say eye-witnesses. In her cell 
was a heavy iron cage ; one witness saw her in the den, ironed, but 
not in the cage or huche. Such was the courtesy of England that 
Edward I kept the Countess of Buchan in a similar cage, though 
not exposed, as legend has it, on the castle wall. In The Miracles 
of Madame Saint Catherine of Fiei'bois we often hear of these 
huches for the accommodation of prisoners. She was guarded by 
John Gray and William Talbot, with their merry men ; and this 
daily and nightly companionship with English archers was the 
most hellish part of the infamous cruelty of the English. Had 
she been in the hands not of the English, but of the Duke of 
Burgundy, the French priests of his party would certainly have 
burned her ; but we do not know that Philip of Burgundy would 
have sunk to the depths of shame that were reached by the Duke 
of Bedford and the Earl of Warwick. 

The Maid often complained that her English companions used 
to bully and ill-treat her, says Colles, a notary employed at her 
trial. Haimond de Macy says that, in the company of Jean de 
Luxembourg, he visited her ; that Jean said he would ransom her 
if she would swear not to take arms again. " In God's name, you 
mock me ; I know that you have neither the will nor the power." 
Jean persisted ; she replied, " I know these English will do me to 
death, thinking, when I am dead, to win the kingdom of France. 
But if they were a hundred thousand Godons more than they are, 
they shall not have the kingdom." 

Stafford drew his dagger to despatch her : she desired nothing 
more ; but the astute Warwick stayed his hand. When an earl 
thus forgot himself, we may imagine the ribaldry of her daily 
and nightly companions, " five English houcepailliers of the basest 
degree." People used to go to stare at her and banter her. 

Perhaps the less we think of all this the better. But on one 
point we may well reflect. Jeanne endured the irons, the chains, 
the hideous company of the merry men, because she refused to be 
on parole not to attempt an escape. This is one more example 
of her matchless courage and resolution. For five months she 


bore things intolerable rather than give her faith to any man, rather 
than abandon the chance of resuming her task. Great in everything 
as she was, we here see her at her greatest. 

Jeanne was consigned to Cauchon, as judge in her case, on 
January 3, 1431. " It is our intention to repossess ourselves of her, 
if she be not convicted of her many crimes of High Treason to 
God," Henry VI is made to say. If not convicted, she could still 
be drowned by the English, and on this understanding the Bishop 
of Beauvais conducted her trial ! She was now in the hands of the 
Church, but was still kept in the harshest military prison. As 
Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, was the chief gaoler of the 
Maid, it may be as well to remember who he was. Born in 
January 1 381- 1382, he had Richard II and Archbishop Scrope for 
his godfathers. He fought at Shrewsbury against Douglas and 
the Percys, and received the Order of the Garter. He made a 
pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and performed in Russian, Lithuanian, 
and Polish tournaments. He was a negotiator in the Treaty of 
Troyes ; later, " he aided much in subduing the Lollards," and 
assisted at the Council of Constance. By the Emperor Sigismund 
he was named " The Father of Courtesy." He fought at the siege 
of Rouen when it was taken by the English ; and on the death of 
Henry v, by advice of an English visionary, Dame Eleanor 
Raughton, of All Hallows, North Street, York, he was made 
Governor to Henry VI. His career is commemorated in fifty- 
three pencil drawings of a later generation, published by the Earl 
of Carysfort as "The Pageants of Richard Beauchamp, Earl 
of Warwick." The artist has not chosen to represent the 
glorious doings of his hero in the case of Jeanne d'Arc. The 
" King-maker," Earl of Warwick, was a son-in-law of this great 



Had Jeanne d'Arc a fair and lawful trial? The question has 
been angrily debated, because, on the one side, some French 
historians, though devoted to the Maid, have felt bound to allow 
the judges fair play, and to look at the question with the eyes of 
clerical lawyers of the fifteenth century (in which they have not 
been successful) ; while other historians, again, have been carried 
away by the passion of pity for the innocent and noble victim, 
and declare the judges under Cauchon to have been capable 
even of forgery. * As regards the trial, no_£erson in the situation 
of Jeanne, a feared and hated captive in hostile hands, — no man 
accused of high treason or of witchcraft, — had anywhere; —for 
centuries after 143 1, the slightest chance of being fairly tried. 
More than two hundred years later than 143 1, a great Scottish 
lawyer, Sir George Mackenzie, observed that he had scarcely ever 
known a witch to be acquitted, if tried, as was customary, by the 
judgment of the neighbours. The witch was usually arrested on 
the ground of public rumour {fama) of her guilt, a great element 
in Jeanne's own case. The Scottish witch was tortured, illegally, 
into confession ; she was not allowed, as by the Inquisition, any 
place for repentance ; and she was burned, with the full approval 
of the Scottish preachers, two of whom led her to the stake. Her 
sufferings in prison, from torture, cold, and starvation, were not 
inferior to those of the Maid. 

Jeanne d'Arc was used in much the same way ; for she, too, 

was to the French of the Anglo-Burgundian party an object of 

254 ' ■ 



terror and hatred. It must be remembered that wealth, rank, and 
gallant military service could not save an accused wizard and 
heretic, even among his own people. The companion-in-arms of 
the Maid, the Marshal de Rais, who had fought with her at Les 
Augustins, at the Tourelles, and at Paris, was tried, like her, for 
magic, heresy, and unspeakable crimes. He was condemned, like 
her, by judges who had a strong personal interest in his ruin ; and 
was found guilty on evidence which, to-day, would be reckoned 
worthless, as Monsieur Salomon Reinach has demonstrated. 
Guilty he may have been, but he was not proved to be guilty by 
external evidence, as we reckon proof. This kind of unfairness 
was not greater than that which, under Charles II, procured the 
execution of many innocent priests and laymen during the panic 
of the " Popish Plot " devised by Titus Oates ; while, at the same 
period, the trials for treason, in Scotland, were a proverb for in- 
justice. Cauchon and his company were not unique in their guilt. 

Just as Catholics, in the affair of the " Popish Plot," discerned 
the wicked dishonesty of the proceedings, so did Protestants dis- 
cern it when their turn came to suffer for the Rye House Plot. In 
the same way, when the party of Jeanne was victorious, the judges 
in the Trial of Rehabilitation (1450-1456) upset the law and 
denounced the injustice of her judges in 143 1. 

Concerning her trial, we have the official record of the men who 
condemned her, a document certainly not unimpeachable ; and we 
have the evidence of some of the same men, given in 1450-1456. 
It was on the later occasion their interest to prove their own 
sympathy with the victim, and to accuse the chief agents in her 
trial. Some of the witnesses had, in fact, been sympathetic, even 
though they lacked the courage to pronounce her innocent. But, 
in 1450-1456, they had a new bias, and, after the lapse of more 
than twenty years, their memories were probably malleable and 
plastic. We can only examine the two sets of testimonies, the 
hostile report of the trial, the friendly later reports of the 

The affair opens with a statement by Cauchon and Le Maitre, 


Vice Inquisitor in the diocese of Rouen. On February 19 this 
unhappy man tried to shuffle out of the business, as holding office 
only in the diocese of Rouen, whereas the case was said to belong 
to the diocese of Beauvais. His conscience, he said, was not at 
ease ; however, by command of the chief Inquisitor, he sat among 
the judges after March 13. Cauchon and this timid shaveling 
were the only judges ; the rest of the clergy present were mere 
assessors, whose votes Cauchon could, and did, ignore. 

The preliminary document states that there is a fama^ or 
common report, against Jeanne for shamefully wearing male attire, 
and doing and saying many things contrary to the Catholic faith. 
On January 9 a solemn deliberation on her case has been held by 
Doctors in canon law and in theology, by abbots and Masters of 
Arts, including Migiet (accused of favouring Jeanne) and Loiselleur, 
or Loyseleur, a canon of Rouen, and a mouton, or prison spy, who 
insinuated himself into the confidence of the Maid, and combined 
the functions of judge, mouton, and (it is said) of confessor. This 
feat is in accordance with the etiquette of Inquisitorial justice, say 
Quicherat and others. Their authority hardly justifies them. 
" Let none approach the heretic, save occasionally two faithful and 
adroit persons to warn him, cautiously, and as if in compassion, to 
secure himself against death by confessing his errors. . . ." This 
rule does not really warrant Loiselleur's visits to Jeanne in the 
disguise of a shoemaker from her own country, persuading her to 
adhere to her belief in her visions (so Migiet says) ; while Estivet, 
the " Promoter " of the trial, played the same part. As Jeanne 
does not seem to have been allowed a confessor, it is not probable 
that she confessed to Loiselleur, though this was believed by his 
accomplice, Thomas de Courcelles, and by Manchon, the clerk. If 
Loiselleur died suddenly of remorse at Basle his remorse worked 
tardily ; he seems to have expired thirty-four years after the trial. 

We see, in the opening document of the trial, the kind of 
company which judged the Maid. These virtuous associates first 
deliberated on the evidence (information) already accessible. 
Cauchon told them what he had got, and directed that more should 


be procured. He appointed some of his assessors to arrange and 
digest the evidence. Among them was de la Fontaine, who 
attempted, later, to enlighten Jeanne on some points, was 
threatened by Cauchon, and fled from Rouen. Estivet was more 
true to his master, Cauchon ; he acted as prison spy, bullied the 
clerks, and died later in obscure circumstances, if that matters ! 

The clerks — ecclesiastical notaries — Manchon and Colles, 
represented themselves, in 1450-1456, as honourable, sympathetic, 
but timorous. All these people, all the judges and assessors, 
were clerics of good fame, legal learning, and ecclesiastical dis- 
tinction. Many were canons of Rouen, abbots in Normandy, 
Doctors and even passed Rectors of the University of Paris, 
furiously Burgundian ; among these the most notable was 
Guillaume Erard, a friend, a constant friend, of Machet, the 
confessor of Charles VII. Machet continued to speak of Erard 
as "a man of illustrious virtue and heavenly wisdom." Now 
Machet had been on the Commission at Poitiers which approved 
of the Maid, and his persistent admiration of Erard shows the 
pusillanimity of the clergy of her party. Moreover, Erard, when 
preaching at the Maid, averred that her King had adhered to 
a heretic and a schismatic, or even said, " Jeanne, I speak to you, 
and I tell you that your King is heretic and schismatic." He 
had his answer, we have quoted it before, " My King is the most 
noble of all Christians." She was more true to her King than 
was his tutor and confessor. 

Another light of the University was Nicole Midi, falsely said 
to have died early of leprosy. He welcomed Charles vii on his 
entry into Paris ! 

Another judge, one of the very few who voted for the torture 
of the Maid, was Thomas de Courcelles, much admired, during the 
Council of Basle, by yEneas Sylvius Piccolomini, later Pope Pius II. 
He was, says the Pope, "respected for his learning and amiable 
in his character, so modest that he was always looking at the 
ground, like one who would fain pass unnoticed." He had good 
reason, before he died, for trying to escape observation. This 


most eminent of professors became dear to Jeanne's King, and 
preached his funeral sermon. Let us be lenient to a fault of 
youth; cette faute de jeunesse, says Quicherat ! In 143 1 the would- 
be tormentor of the Maid was only thirty, a down-looking pedant, 
whose skulking and evasive replies, at the Trial of Rehabilitation, 
prove that his memory was strangely defective. He could 
remember little, and remembered unveraciously, about his own 

Despite his pitiable appearance in the Trial of Rehabilitation, 
Courcelles wormed himself into Royal favour. In 1516a French 
poet, Valeran Varanius, published a Latin epic on the Maid, 
De Gestis Joannce, Virginis Francice. . He based his poem, in a 
manner most unusual, not on legend, but on the two manuscript 
records of the trials of 143 1, 1450-1456. At the close of his 


Fourth Book he gives, in hexameters, the " Oration of Thomas 
de Courcelles on Illustrious Women." After exhibiting much 
classical and Biblical lore concerning ancient heroines, Thomas 
delivers himself of a long panegyric on Jeanne, her patriotism, 
and the cruelty of the English, who would not allow her to have 
a confessor or an advocate. With this cruelty the English had 
nothing to do ; the French clerks saw to these matters. He 
defends the authenticity of the Voices, praises the Maid for her 
devoutness, tells the legend of the white dove that hovered over 
her ashes at the stake, and, in fact, adroitly recommends himself 
to the new state of opinion ! 

Why does Varanius make Courcelles deliver this speech to 
the managers of the Trial of Rehabilitation ? Varanius well knew 
the shabby and shameful part which Courcelles really played at 
that trial. One may guess, periculo suo, that Courcelles, in later 
years, did compose a kind of rhetorical exercise on Illustrious 
Women, and found it convenient to praise Jeanne at the expense 
of the English ; while Varanius turned the bad Latin of Courcelles 
into his own inelegant hexameters, and introduced it into his 

Thomas was paid 113 livres for his work in condemning the 


Maid, in which he tried to insinuate that he took little part. The 
labourer is worthy of his hire. In editing the Prods this humble 
person, not desiring to be observed, left out his own name occa- 
sionally. Uriah Heep was not more 'umble. 

Loiselleur, Estivet, Cauchon, and Erard are all great, but 
the greatest is the modest Thomas de Courcelles. 

Of the judges, many were strongly of the Burgundian party ; 
others, holding benefices in Normandy, an English possession, 
were in favour of whatever upheld the existing state of things ; 
a few were not devoted to the English cause, and were influenced, 
as far as their timidity would permit, by sentiments of pity and 
justice. Few had the boldness of Jean de Lohier. Concerning 
him the modest Thomas, who " could not remember having 
heard any of the evidence against Jeanne read/' depones thus : 
Lohier was at Rouen, and the Proces was to be communicated to 
him, apparently by Thomas, for his opinion. He told Thomas 
that " in his view Jeanne could not be proceeded against in matter 
of faith except on evidence proving that there was zfama against ■ 
her ; the production of such information was legally necessary." 
It was not publicly produced, nor is it given in the official record. 
Manchon, the notary and clerk, says that Lohier asked for three 
days to consider the documents, and declared that the mode of 
the trial was not valid. (1) It was held in a castle, where men 
were not at liberty to give their full and free opinions. (2) The 
honour of the King of France was impeached ; he was a party 
in the suit, yet did not appear, and had no representative. (3) 
The "libel," or accusation, had not been given to the Maid, and 
she had no counsel ; she a simple girl, tried in deep matters of 
faith. To Manchon, Lohier said, " You see how they are going on ! 
They will catch her in her words, as when she says, ' I know for 
certain that I touched the apparitions.' If she said, 'so it seemed 
to me,' I think no man could condemn her." She would never 
have said that ! 

Cauchon was very angry, and Lohier had to fly the country ; 
he was threatened with drowning ; he died at Rome. 


Nicolas de Houppeville was also imprisoned for saying that 
the procedure was not valid : since Cauchon and others were 
enemies of the accused, who had been passed as orthodox at 
Poitiers by Cauchon's superior and Metropolitan, the Archbishop 
of Reims. As to the Archbishop of Reims, Cauchon could plead 
that he, and the inquirers at Poitiers, had recognised their error 
by not in any way acknowledging and standing up for the Maid. 

The preliminary Instruction, or presentation of hostile evidence, 
about which Lohier spoke, was another matter. It is not denied, 
as we have already seen, that evidence about the fairies and the 
Fairy tree was taken at Domremy, though the favourable 
evidence was suppressed (cf. pp. 34-36). 

The evidence, or the fairy part of it, was read to the judges 
on February 13, as the documents edited by Courcelles state, 
and other testimonies from other places were perused. From 
this information articles were to be drawn up by the Doctors 
in Law. By February 19 the astute Loiselleur and others had 
composed these articles. On February 23 the articles were read 
before Doctors from Paris and Courcelles, — whose memory did 
not retain the circumstance. Manchon, too, could remember no 
such informations (he must have heard them read), but was sure 
that they were not inserted in the Proces by himself. In fact, they 
nowhere appear. " The documents of the Instruction were pro- 
duced," says Quicherat, "but were not inserted in the Proces" 
as they ought to have been. We do not know the names of 
the witnesses, or anything about them : there is no evidence 
against Jeanne. We know the kind of tattle that was collected, 
even at Compiegne and other places under French allegiance, 
through the seventy articles presented against the Maid by 
Estivet, the promoter and prison spy. 

Many witnesses, or tattlers, had been examined, not one was 
cited. Jeanne, like Mary Stuart on more than_pne_occasion, was 
judged on the evidence of persons with whom she was not con- 
fronted, whose very names were unknown to her. The peasant 
girl had from the French judges the same measure of injustice 


as the Scottish Queen, a hundred and fifty years later, received 
from the English Court. The practices of the Inquisition were 
no better than those of English justice under Queen Elizabeth 
where a feared and hatedtfeaptive was concerned. 

The Maid was condemned, after all, on her own confessions 
malignantly interpolated and erroneously stated by her examiners. 
She averred that she had seen, touched, heard, and adored her 
Saints ; and as these were ruled to be devils, she was guilty. 
No more was needed, according to Cauchon's idea of justice. 
It was stated, as matter of fact and of her own confession, that 
she had evoked and worshipped devils. Her evidence, on the 
other hand, did not even bear that she had evoked her Saints 
by a direct appeal. She had addressed herself to God in prayer, 
and He had heard and had sent the Voices to her. The annals 
of witchcraft probably contain no example, certainly none is 
known to me, of a sorcerer who summons fiends by an appeal 
to God. The men who drew up this charge were conscious liars 
and deliberate murderers. 

On February 21 the first public session was held before a set 
of forty-two clerics ; formal business was transacted, and Estivet, 
the promoter, demanded the Maid's appearance. She had asked 
to be allowed to hear Mass, her chief comfort in life; her petition 
was refused. She was under charges so grave that she must not 
be allowed, by these merciful churchmen, the consolations of their 
religion. She had also requested that clerics of her own party 
might be among the assessors. They were not permitted to 
come, and, as far as we can judge by their silence and the con- 
temptuous words of him of Reims, they would not have come 
had^they been summoned. An exception must be made for the 
loyal Jacques Gelu, Archbishop of Embrun, who spoke his mind 
freely to his recreant King. 

According to Jean Massieu, an officer of the Court examined 
in 1450-1456, Jeanne asked not only that the clergy of her party 
should have representatives among her judges, but that she might 
have the assistance of counsel. Her petition was rejected. The 


official report says nothing about this request and refusal. Later, 
Jeanne was asked if she would accept the aid of a legal adviser, 
which she declined. We cannot be certain that Massieu spoke the 
truth on this point, twenty-five years later : his evidence is often 
under suspicion. The question as to whether Cauchon had the 
right, as Quicherat averred, to refuse counsel, under the rules of 
ecclesiastical procedure, is intricate and difficult. References to 
authorities are given in the Notes. 

Jeanne was brought into court ; she wore a page's black suit, 
an outrage to the chaste eyes of the learned. She was bidden 
to speak the whole truth ; and at this time, as always, she refused 
to take the oath without qualification. " I do not know on what 
subjects you will question me." She had received no " libel," as 
it is called in Scottish law, such was their idea of justice. "You 
may ask me things which I will not tell you. About revelations 
to my King I will not speak if you cut my head off." Her 
11 Counsel " might later give her some licence to speak. She 
swore, save on these topics, to answer questions touching matters 
of faith. Her oath, thus limited, was accepted. She did answer 
on points of her name and parentage, and was invited to 
repeat the Pater Noster after the bishop. She would not do so, 
except in confession. They seem to have held the old belief 
that a witch could not say the Pater Noster — except backwards. 
She refused to give her parole not to attempt to escape ; she 
would never cease to try, and would not give parole ; no man 
should be able to say she had broken parole. She was handed 
over to John Gray, an Esquire, to William Talbot, and another 
English gaoler, though she should have been in an ecclesiastical 
prison with women about her. In her examinations, before she 
could answer Midi, Courcelles would be at her with another 
question, or Beaupere would interrupt Touraine. 

In the early examinations in the chapel she was interrupted 
at almost every word, and secretaries of the English King recorded 
her replies as they pleased. Manchon said that he would throw 
up his task as clerk, and the scene was changed for another 


chamber, two English men-at-arms guarding the door. The 
records were variously written, and were disputed, so Manchon 
marked such passages for reconsideration and further interrogation. 
The season was Lent, and, in the morning examinations, the 
Maid had been fasting since the one meal of the previous day. 
But nothing shook her strength and courage. When Massieu 
accompanied her from her cell to the hall of inquiry, he was 
wont to let her pray in front of the chapel. Estivet rebuked 
Massieu, " Rogue, how do you dare to let that excommunicate 
whore come so near the church ? I shall put you in a tower 
whence you shall not see sun or moon for a month if you 


go on thus.'' Massieu did not change his way, and Jeanne, 
asking, " Is not the Body of our Lord in that chapel ? " was pre- 
vented by Estivet from praying near that holy place. 

Are we to suppose that Massieu invented all these outrages ? 
They look brutally real, but Massieu was a man of loose life, 
perhaps of loose tongue. 

There were forty-seven of these divines in court on the second 
day (February 22) ; one of the session was a doctor in medicine. 
Jeanne made the usual qualifications as to her oath, for she 
perfectly understood that they desired to elicit answers com- 
promising to her King as to his secret, the sign she had given 
to him. 

It is unnecessary to repeat answers which have already been 
quoted in the accounts of her early life, and of her Voices and 
Visions. We shall take up, in Appendix C, some of the gravest 
charges against her, and follow each by itself through the in- 
vestigation. These questions referred to the King's secret, to the 
wearing of male attire, to alleged false prophecies, to the fairies 
of Domremy (a subject already exhausted, pp. 34-36), and to other 
points. The questions were purposely mixed and confused so 
as. to entrap the Maid in contradictions, and they can only be 
understood when each subject is disengaged and examined apart. 

On the third day (February 24) she warned Cauchon of the 
risk he ran by taking upon him to be her judge. Had he cherished 


his reputation he would have done wisely in accepting the warning. 
The examination was mainly an attempt to elicit replies about the 
aspect of the Saints ; and about the fairies. Of the fairies she spoke 
as freely as if she had been at a Folklore Congress. They asked 
her the unfair question, " Do you know that you are in a state of 
grace ? " If she replied, " Yes," she was presumptuous ; if " No," 
she condemned herself Her inspired reply was, " If I am not in 
grace, may God bring me thither ; if I am, God keep me there." 
No clerk could have answered more wisely, no Christian more 

Many witnesses spoke of the Maid as a simple ignorant thing. 
In fact her genius rose to every occasion. 

Between February 24 and 27 no examination was held, probably 
because of Jeanne's illness. At the Trial of Rehabilitation, two 
physicians were examined, Tiphaine of Paris, and de la Chambre. 
Both said that they had been reluctant to sit as assessors, and only 
yielded to fear ; de la Chambre voted (not unconditionally) for her 
condemnation, — though, as he said, it was not his affair as a 
medical man, — being coerced by threats. . It does not appear that 
they were consulted as to the pathology of Jeanne's Voices and 
visions. Tiphaine found her in a tower, with irons on her legs. 
He heard one examiner ask her if she had ever been present 
when English blood was shed. 

" In God's name, yes ! How mildly you talk ! Why did they 
not leave France, and go back to their own country ? " 

Thereon a great English lord, in a very English way, cried, 
" She is a brave girl ! If only she were English ! " Th e chiva lry 
of England here made its nearest approach tq_aprjreciating the 
Flower of Chivalry. 

It was Estivet who brought Tiphaine to see the Maid in her 
sickness. She attributed it to having eaten of a carp, a present 
from Cauchon. Estivet called her by the most shameful names 
at his command, and said that she had eaten herring. There was 
a passage of angry words. De la Chambre was called in on the 
same occasion by Cardinal Beaufort and the Earl of Warwick, 


Captain of Rouen. The King of England, said Warwick, "the 
Father of Courtesy," held Jeanne dear, and expensive ; not for 
worlds would he have her die a natural death, burned she must 
be ; and when de la Chambre proposed to bleed her, Warwick said 
that she might take the opportunity of suicide. De la Chambre 
also heard the brutal words of Estivet. 

After being let blood the Maid recovered, and was again 
examined on February 27. They were curious about the Voices, 
about her reasons for wearing male dress, and about the King's 
secret, the sword of Fierbois, her standard, and her use of the 
words JHESUS Maria. She told them about her prophecy of 
her arrow wound at Orleans, and about the storming of Jargeau. 
Questioned about the prominence of her standard at the corona- 
tion, she said "it had been in the strife, it might share the 

The fifth day was March 1. They examined her on her letter 
to the Comte d'Armagnac, concerning the true Pope. Then she 
broke into prophecies of a most annoying kind, which they were 
to see fulfilled within a few years. " I know that before seven 
years are passed the English will lose a greater stake than they 
did at Orleans" (they lost Paris in 1436), "and that they will lose 
all they hold in France. They will have sorer loss than ever 
before in France, through a great victory given by God to the 
French." (The battle of Formigny, 1439, with loss of Normandy.) 
" I know by revelation that this will be in seven years " ; if she 
meant to include Formigny, she was wrong by a year. 

It has been argued, correctly I venture to think, that Jeanne 
did not include the English loss of " all they held in France " 
within the seven years before which they will lose Paris. (" Item, 
dicit quod antequam sint septem anni, Anglici demittent majus 
vadium quam fecerint coram Aurelianis, et quod totum perdent in 

They returned to the personal aspect of her Saints, vainly, and 
asked about her rings. " You have one of them, give it back to 
me. The Burgundians have another. Let me see my ring. My 


father or mother gave me the ring which the Burgundians have. 
I think the words on it were JHESUS Maria" (she could not 
read a letter), "who inscribed them I do not know." (The jeweller 
did so : such inscriptions on rings were common, at least in Scot- 
land and England.) " My brother gave me the ring which you 
have ; give it, I charge you, to the church. I never used any 
ring of mine to heal any mortal." As to promises from her Saints, 
she asked them to take her to Paradise, and they assented. " About 
another promise I will tell you in three months." 
<c Are you to be set free then ? " 

" This is no affair of yours. I know not when I shall be set 
free." She certainly had a presentiment that she would be free 
from bonds in three months, and she was, to the day, set free — 
through the gate of fire. She could not understand the promise 
thus, she did not always understand the sense of her Voices, 
but the coincidence is one of the many strange points in her ex- 
perience which suggest that, in some way, she caught faint rumours 
and glimpses of things to be. 

" What have you done with your mandrake ? " — what a question ! 
She knew a little of the folklore of mandrakes, nothing more. 
They jumped to St. Michael, and thence to the sign given to the 
King. On that subject she gradually, as is to be shown later, 
built up an allegory based on the actual sign, and on the coronation 
at Reims. The rest of the day was occupied with this matter. 

Jeanne never truckled, never tried to conciliate, she stood up 
to these shavelings as she had stood up to the recreant clerks of 
Poitiers, with the scorn of a Queen who is tried by rebellious 
subjects, with the contempt of a sane mind for their "heavenly 
science." On the sixth day (March 3) they returned to their 
puerilities about her Saints, who promised liberty, and bade her 
boldly " bear a glad countenance," — her natural expression of 
gaiety. To questions about her male dress she usually said, " I do 
not remember." They seem to have heard that her King desired 
her to discard it ; she would not answer, so probably he had 
done so. 



Her own company in arms, she said, consisted of but two or 
three lances, — those of d'Aulon and her brothers ; at Orleans her 
military command was unofficial, those who loved her followed 
her, and adopted the white penoncels of her household, of white 
satin with the lilies. The attempt was to show that she had 
used the penoncels superstitiously, perhaps she had them sprinkled 
with holy water ; she refused to say. She denied that she had 
caused any portraits of herself to be made, she had seen only one, 
in the hands of a Scottish archer at Arras. Doubtless there were 
many popular images, medals, and miniatures not done from the 
life. She knew nothing of Masses and prayers for her (which 
were duly made, in fact), but saw no harm in them. Her friends 
were not mistaken, she said, if they believed that she was sent 
from God. People could not always be prevented from kissing 
her hands and her raiment ; " the poor flocked to me gladly, for 
I did them no displeasure, and helped them to the uttermost of 
my power." They asked about her alleged promise to find a lost 
pair of gloves at Reims. She denied that she had promised to 
discover them. She explained an affair of a hackney of the Bishop 
of Senlis. She had paid for it, and offered to return it, it was not 
up to her weight when she was in armour. She told the simple 
truth about the dying child at Lagny. She, with other girls, 
prayed for it ; it was as black as her coat, but began to regain 
colour, gasped thrice, was baptized, and died. 

" Did people say that you caused this resurrection ? " 

" I did not inquire." She told the story of Catherine of La 
Rochelle, and about the leap from the tower of Beaurevoir, as 
already given, and denied having sworn at the traitor of Soissons. 
Cauchon then decided to appoint a Committee to make a synopsis 
of her answers. Another Committee would re-examine her, and 
all the judges were to receive the report in writing. 

On March 10, Cauchon, with only five assessors, visited Jeanne 
in her cell. Examined in prison she was remote from sympathy, 
and lost the breath of free air, and the little relief to her fettered 
limbs during the short walk to the court, and the sight of the open 


church door. Jean de La Fontaine was her interrogator. He 
began with questions about her doings at Compiegne, her alleged 
false prophecies there. The events at Compiegne and Melun have 
already been narrated in their place. They returned to the 
King's secret; her replies are later examined in due sequence. 
(Appendix C.) 

On March 13 the timid Vice Inquisitor appeared, bringing 
with him a Dominican, Isambart de la Pierre, who, at the trial 
of Rehabilitation, represented himself as very pitiful and sym- 
pathetic. In this, though he lacked the courage to vote for her 
acquittal, he seems to have spoken truth. De la Fontaine asked 
silly questions about the Voices and Saints, and about the 
Burgundian version of the story of the young man whom she was 
said to have cited for breach of promise of marriage. (See p. 63.) 
Had she not sinned when she went to France against the will of 
her father and mother? 

" I had obeyed them in everything else, and I wrote to them, 
begging their pardon. As God bade me go, I would have gone 
if I had a hundred fathers and mothers, or was the daughter of a 
king/' Her Voices left to her the choice of telling her parents 
before her departure. 

She declared that she had spoken of her visions to no 
priest ; a point against her. But her enthusiastic advocate, Father 
Ayroles, S.J., believed that here she did not tell truth, and had the 
full permission of her Church. " The inviolable secrecy imposed 
on the confessor extends also to the penitent. As he speaks to 
God in the person of his minister, the penitent may swear that 
he never spoke to any mortal concerning what he revealed under 
the seal of confession. This is the teaching of theology." So 
much the worse for theology ! Jeanne is not likely to have 
known, or to have acted on, these instructions ; to do so was an 
acte de sagesse, says Father Ayroles ; but of such wisdom the Maid 
was incapable. A learned priest informs me that these subtleties 
had probably not been evolved in the time of the Maid. 

On March 13 the Vicar of the Inquisitor interrogated her 


about the King's secret, and the crown borne by the Angel. She 
went on with the allegory which their foolish questions had 
suggested. They asked her about her alleged discovery of a 
stolen cup and of the immorality of a priest. She said that she 
had never heard of these legends. Had she received letters from 
St. Michael ? She would answer later. We do not know any- 
thing of this strange matter. The letters were not in Court. 

They asked her if she had received revelations about the 
attacks on Paris and La Charite\ She replied that she had 
none, nor about going to Pont l'Eveque. After her Voices, at 
Melun, announced her capture, she relied on the captains, to 
whom she did not mention her approaching fate. She evaded 
the question, " Was it right to attack Paris on the Nativity of the 
Virgin ? " 

On March 14, Isambart de la Pierre, the sympathetic 
Dominican, was present. They inquired about the leap from 
the tower of Beaurevoir. Would she refer to the evidence that, 
after her fall, she blasphemed God and her saints? She would 
only refer " to God and good confession." She knew of no such 
words ; she could not know what she might say in delirium. 
She declared that St. Catherine promised succour, how or when 
she knew not ; she might be set free, or there might be a tumult 
at her execution. " Generally the Voices say that I shall be 
delivered through great victory," and thereafter the Voices say, 
" Take all things peacefully : heed not thine affliction (martire). 
Thence thou shalt come at last into the kingdom of Paradise!' 

The Voices never made a prophecy more true. She did not 
understand the monition. By an astonishing coincidence the 
Voices repeated the message of St. Michael to St. Catherine, when 
she lay in prison awaiting her trial by the Doctors of heathendom. 
In an old English Life of St. Catherine, written in 1430-143 1, while 
the new St. Catherine was contending with the French Doctors, 
St. Michael says, " Drede not, thou mayden acceptable to God, but 
worke sadly and myghtyly, for our Lord ys wyth thee, for whose 
worschep thou hast entered into this batayle ; he schal give into 


thy mouth the stronge floode of hys plenteous word to the whyche 
thyn adversaries schal not wythstende . . . and thou wythynne 
short whyle after schalt end thy batayle with glorious deeth and 
be so receyved amonge the worthy company of Virgins." Jeanne 
could not believe that death was to be the end of her " batayle." 

The words of Jeanne, from the lips of the Saints, were the most 
touching that ever maiden uttered. Their effect on her tormentors 
was what might have been expected. They seized the chance to 
ask her if she had assurance of salvation ; a deadly error. She 
believed in her salvation " as firmly as if she were in heaven 

" Do you believe that, after this revelation, you could not sin 
mortally ? " 

" I know not. I leave it to God." 

" Your answer " (about her assurance of salvation) " is very 

" I hold it for a very great treasure." 

De la Fontaine, Le Maitre, Midi, and Feuillet were the 
examiners who sought their own damnation on this day. Who are 
we that we should judge them, creatures as they were, full of terror, 
of superstition, and of hatred ; with brows of brass and brains of 
lead ; scientific, too, as the men of their time reckoned science. In 
the afternoon they returned to this point, making quite sure of it 
and then laboured the affair, already described (pp. 229, 230), of 
Franquet dArras. 

" What with your attack on Paris on a holy day, your behaviour 
in the matter of the Bishop's hackney, your leap at Beaurevoir, and 
your consent to the death of Franquet, do you really believe that 
you have wrought no mortal sin ? " 

" I do not believe that I am in mortal sin ; and, if I have been 
it is for God to know it, and for confession to God and the priest." 




The Question of Submission to the Church 

Jeanne was in mortal sin ; the learned Doctors knew it. It is the 
foible of scientific men to think themselves omniscient ; but with 
the true scientific spirit, Jeanne professed her own ignorance, leaving 
the question, in faith and hope, to God. Her intelligence was sane 
and clear. 

On March 1 5 they began to ask her whether she would submit 
to the judgment of the Church her alleged sins in matters of faith. 
This meant, would she submit the question of the nature of her 
Voices — good spirits or evil — to the verdict of her personal and 
political enemies, the assembled Anglo-Burgundian clerks. If she 
said " Yes," they would pronounce the Voices to be devilish, and 
burn her if she did not abjure them. If she said " No,'' they would 
pronounce her " contumacious " — and burn her. Meanwhile the 
whole question, says the Chanoine Dunand, was "one of the causes 
majeures which, by canon law, are reserved for the judgment of 
the Pope." But these French clerks had already burned Pierronne, 
six months earlier, for adhering to her visions, without troubling 
His Holiness. 

Jeanne asked that clerics might consider the matter ; she would 

then lay their verdict before her Counsel. She would not defend 

any act against the Christian faith as instituted by out Lord. 

The distinction between the Church militant on earth (which 



cannot err) and the Church triumphant in heaven — to which, in 
the person of her Saints, she was appealing — was explained to her, 
and she understood it in a moment, though at first she did not 
understand, and said that she "ought to be allowed to go to 
church." " Simple " as she was, she fully appreciated the situation 
as soon as it was explained. But it was always clear that, being 
inspired directly by the Church triumphant, she never would 
submit willingly to the Church of the Malignants in Rouen. She 
declared that she had full right to escape, if she saw a chance. 
She was inclined to wear female dress if she might be allowed to 
hear Mass. " Let me have a long skirt without a train, and go to 
Mass. On returning I will wear man's dress." But she implored 
that, attired as she was, she might be allowed to hear Mass. They 
returned to the old questions about her Saints, how she knew 
them to be good ; and they were answered in the old way. 

On March 17 they persevered. Her acts she referred to God 
who sent her. Then, beginning to prophesy, she predicted that 
" the French will soon win a great matter" (not & battle, but une 
grande besogne, unum magnum negotium) "which God will send 
them ; it will put almost the whole kingdom in motion. And this 
I say, that, when the event comes, my words may be held in 
memory.'' This is a prophecy of the reconciliation of France and 
Burgundy, in 1435, by the Treaty of Arras, the death-blow to the 
English rule and to the Duke of Bedford. 

From this unpleasant prophecy they turned to her submission 
to the Church. " I refer myself to God, the Virgin, and all the 
Saints of Paradise. To me it seems that, as to our Lord and 
the Church, it is all one, and that no difficulty should be made ; 
why do you make a difficulty?" 

They again explained that the Church on earth, Pope and all, 
could not err, being governed by the Holy Spirit. She repeated 
what she had said, and deferred reply about the Church militant. 
" If I must be put to death, I ask for a woman's shift, and a cap 
to cover my head; for I would rather die than depart from the 
work to which my Lord has set me. But I do not believe that 


my Lord will let me be brought so low that I shall lack help of 
God and miracle.'' 

"If you dress as you do by God's command, why do you ask 
for a shift in the hour of death ? " 

" It suffices me that it should be long," she said, for reasons 
of modesty. 

They turned to trifles, such as the five crosses on her sword, 
and, in the afternoon, interrogated her for the last time in 
the preparatory inquiry. They still vexed her with puerilities ; 
they asked if she thought that her Voices would desert her 
if she married. She answered, " I know not, and leave it to 
my Lord." 

" Did your King do well in slaying the Duke of Burgundy? " 

" It was a great disaster to the kingdom of France ; and what- 
ever was between these two, God has sent succour to France." 

"Would you answer plainly to the Pope?" 

" I summon you " {elle requiert), " to take me to him, and I will 
answer all that it will be my duty to answer." Canonists regard / 
this as an informal but valid appeal to the Pope; and to such an ' > 
appeal she had a legal right. 

Would she have deserted her Voices at the word of the Pope ? 

Would St. Paul have repudiated his vision on the Damascus 
road at the word of the Church of Jerusalem ? Jeanne had seen 
and heard, and her hands had handled the bodies of her Saints. 
How could she in honesty and honour repudiate them and their 
righteous and holy messages ? It was morally impossible that 
she should do so in honour and honesty, at the bidding of Estivet, 
Cauchon, and the rest, traitors to her King. The clergy of her 
party took this view in 1450-1456. 

The preparatory inquiry was closed. For a week Estivet 

laboured at a digest, and on March 27 the ordinary trial began : 

the seventy Articles made by Estivet were read to the prisoner; 

two English priests were in the crowd of assessors, Brolbster and 


Cauchon now offered Jeanne counsel ; she thanked him very 


courteously, " but I do not intend to depart from the counsel of 
God.' 7 The Court had refused to oblige Estivet by condemning 
the Maid on the ground of her refusal to answer all questions. 
The seventy Articles must first be read : she might receive delays 
in which to consider her replies. 

On March 28, Courcelles read the Articles aloud. The Court 
was asked to declare Jeanne to be " a sorceress, a divineress, a false 
prophet, one who invoked evil spirits, a witch, a heretic, an apostate, 
a seditious blasphemer, rejoicing in blood, indecent/' and so forth. 
The Articles were carelessly drawn up. One passage, to the effect 
that Jeanne disobeyed her parents in the matter of the breach of 
promise of marriage case at Toul, has been the basis of romances 
by her biographers. As we have already shown, she said nothing 
about her parents in the affair of Toul ; and the current story 
rests on a blunder of her accuser. Estivet also represented 
Jeanne as having bragged to Baudricourt that after fulfilling her 
mission she would have three sons, a Pope, a Kaiser, and a King. 
" I would gladly be the father of one of them," said the captain, 
" it would be good for my reputation.'' 

" Gentle Robert, nay, nay ; it is not the time, the Holy Spirit 
will open it." 

" So Robert was wont to say, in presence of bishops and the 
great of the earth." 

Jeanne replied that she referred to her previous answers (which 
do not on this point exist), and that, as to having three boys, she 
made no such boast. She may have said something with a sym- 
bolical meaning, but conjecture is useless. A grave charge was that 
she " entertained erroneous opinions about the freedom of the will." 
Another crime, which she denied, was the dropping of melted 
wax on the heads of children, by way of telling their fortunes ! 
These silly things are not in the record of the questions previously 
put to her. Perhaps that record is garbled. The practice with 
wax corresponds to the dropping of molten lead into water, and 
divining the future from the casual forms. Nothing could be less 
in the manner of the Maid. Her greatest error was her refusal to 


submit to the Church. " Men and women will arise everywhere, 

pretencTihg to have divine and angelic revelations, and sowing lies 
and errors in imitation of this woman.'' 

There is a good deal of force in this objection. But Jeanne 
had been accepted by the clergy of her party, and was acquitted 
by the Doctors of her own party on this point, as we shall 
see, and it seems certain that she had not fair play from Cauchon. 
In her reply to the first Article the Latin translation of the 
original French minute makes her say, " I well believe that 
our Holy Father, the Pope of Rome, and the bishops and 
other churchmen are for the guarding of the Christian faith and 
the punishment of heretics ; but as for me and my facts (de factis), 
I will only submit to the Church of Heaven, to God, Our Lady, 
and the Saints in Paradise. I firmly believe that I have not 
erred in faith, nor would I err." Here the Latin record stops. 
But the French goes on, " nor would I err, and I summon . . ." 
(et requiert . . .). 

To whom did she appeal, and why does the original French, 
written in Court, end thus abruptly, while the official Latin version 
omits the words, " and she summons. . . ." ? These very words 
she had used in demanding to be led before the Pope, " elle 
requiert qu'elle soit menee devant luy." 

The friendly Dominican, de la Pierre, was present among the 
assessors. Now he, on February 15, 1450, at Rouen, deposed 
that Jeanne, on one occasion, said that she would answer the 
Pope, if taken to him. De la Pierre then advised her to submit 
to the General Council at Basle. Jeanne asked him, " What is 
the General Council?" He replied, "It is the Congregation of 
the Universal Church and of Christendom, and therein are as 
many of your party as of the English." " Oh ! " she cried, " since 
there are some of our side in that place, I am right willing to 
submit to the Council of Basle ! " " Hold your tongue, in the 
devil's name ! " cried Cauchon, and commanded the notary not 
to record this appeal. Jeanne said that they wrote what was 
against her, not what was in her favour. 


Here then we have an explanation of the words in the French 
minute written in Court, et requiei't ..." and she summons . . .," 
and an explanation of the gap which follows." She appealed, her 
appeal was not recorded ; and the whole trial wrecks itself in 
this infamous injustice. (On this point see M. Marius Sepet, 
Jeanne d'Arc y pp. 209, 225. Observe, too, Proces, vol. i. p. 184, 
where a question as to the dress, height, and age of the Angel 
who brought the crown to the King is given in the French minute, 
but not in the official Latin translation.) 

The certain way of escape was closed to Jeanne, so that she had 
no means of submitting to a fair ecclesiastical Court, while the 
Court which tried her had demonstrated its own incompetence. 
She replied to the Articles when she pleased ; when she pleased, 
referred to her previous answers. With a firm belief in the 
Church on earth on matters of faith, in matters SjacfrVfiS Wdfcftct 
only be judged by the Church in heaven. She later maintained 
her original attitude. To Cauchon she said that she often had 
news of him from her Voices. " What news ? " he asked. 

" I will tell you apart." 

She asked for a delay as to the question of submitting to the 
Church militant, and was interrogated on March 31. She then 
boldly answered that she would not abjure her Voices. " That 
was impossible.". She would obey the Church, " God first being 

Now to the ordinary reader Jeanne may seem to be maintaining, 
with courage, honour, and loyalty, a position untenable, given 
Catholic ideas of the immunity of the Church militant^ from error. 
To such a reader it seems that Jeanne should have merely refused 
the jurisdiction of the hostile Court which was assailing her for 
reasons of personal and political hatred and fear. She did appeal 
to the General Council at Basle. Her attitude, the prosecution 
said, meant anarchy. Any man or woman might preach any 
doctrines, or prophesy to such effect as he or she pleased, unchecked 
by the Church. It seems a fatal deadlock ; for if Jeanne at this 
point could not, in honour and honesty, abjure, for any mortal 


what she knezv to be true ; then other people, with equally strong 
convictions, had equally good rignt to follow inspirations wholly 
unlike those of the Maid. So it may appear to the ordinary reader. 
But it has not so seemed to her Church, which has proclaimed her 
H Venerable " ; and surely her Church ought to know ! There is no 
higher Court of appeal in the Church's own affairs. 

The learned Doctors of the French party, in the Trial of 
Rehabilitation, voted that, in her refusal to submit to the Church, 
the ' Maid was not a heretic. Thus Bouille decided that, when 
Jeanne said, " Take me to the Pope," the judges should have 
ceased from their task. " It belongs to the Pope to decide if these 
sorts of visions come from good spirits or evil." " Persons to whom 
these communications are made can have certitude about them 
otherwise than by submission to the judgment of the visible 

Again, " Suppose the apparitions came from evil spirits, she 
was not to be reckoned heretical as long as she believed them to 
come from spirits of light." Again, " in questions of fact" (not ot 
dogma), " in the case of a fact which only the percipient knows for 
certain, no mortal has the right to make him disavow what he 
knows beyond possibility of doubt. . . . To deny a fact which we 
know to be certain beyond doubt, though others do not know it, 
is to lie, and is forbidden by divine law ; it is to go against our 
conscience." " If Jeanne received revelations from God, it was not 
reasonable to bid her abjure them, especially as the Church does 
not judge concerning hidden things. She had a perfect right to 
refuse to abjure . . . she followed the special law of inspiration, 
which exempted her from the common law. . . . Even if it be 
doubted whether her inspiration came from good or evil spirits, 
as this is a hidden thing, known of God only, the Church does not 
judge. She might be wrong; but she referred all to the judgment 
of God and to her own conscience. The Maid did not err \{ she 
referred all to the judgment of God only. Moreover, she explicitly 
appealed to the Pope " (that is, on the day of her abjuration). " Let 
a report of all that I have done and said be sent to our sovereign 


Lord, the Pope, in Rome, to whom, after God, I appeal." " The 
Pope is too far," they replied. 

The other clerks of her party argued like Bouille : Cybole wrote 
that when Jeanne refused to submit to any mortal man, hers was 
a Catholic reply, in conformity with the teaching of St. Peter and 
the apostles, "we must obey God rather than man." Brehal, 
Grand Inquisitor of France, quoted, " If you are led by the Spirit, 
you are no longer under the law." " She had certain knowledge ; 
on these points she had to obey no man. To abjure her revelations 
would have been to lie and perjure herself," — so she and we and 
the Grand Inquisitor are all agreed. Brehal decided that her 
judges, not the Maid, were heretical. 

These benevolent Doctors of 1450-1456 were anxious to prove 
that Jeanne was too simple and ignorant to understand the 
questions about the Churches militant and triumphant. But she 
understood them perfectly well ; her genius was always adequate 
to every demand on it. She understood, and she took the very 
line later adopted by her learned clerical defenders. It was impos- 
sible for her, with honesty and honour, to abjure what she knew 
to be true. In the words of Montrose she might have said, " I am 
resolved to carry with me fidelity and honour to the grave." She 
" kept the bird in her bosom " ; she was " released with great 
victory," the victory of fidelity and honour over the common run 
of learned clerks ; over prison and iron bonds ; over weakness, and 
hunger, and the threat of torture, and the sight of the tormentor, 
and his instruments of hell. 

-fc .A list of XII Articles on which to base a verdict was now 
composed, apparently by Midi, and sent to various Doctors. The 
defenders in 1450-1456 found that these Articles were falsely 
extracted and unjustly composed, not in harmony with Jeanne's 
confessions, and not containing her explanations and qualifications. 
It was not possible for the accusers to be fair, in the opinion of 
Quicherat. They did not make the attempt. Here is the cream 
of the XII Articles. 

I. The Saints were said to have been adored at the fountain 



(where Jeanne said that she had once seen them), and the fountain 
was involved, by the makers of the Articles, in the ill fame of the 
Fairy tree. 

In fact, the judges followed Catherine of La Rochelle's fable 
about " the counsel of the fountain." 

" Among the soldiers, Jeanne seldom or never had a woman 
with her," as chaperon. 

She had explained that she guarded herself by other precau- 
tions, of which no notice was taken, and their own experts had 
proclaimed Jeanne to be a maiden. The Duchess of Bedford, 
daughter of the murdered Duke of Burgundy, was the authority 
for that fact, which was suppressed by the accusers. 

jf' II. She varied in her reports of the circumstances about the 
giving of the sign to the King. 

This matter is treated later ; it was not possible for the dull 
accusers to understand her system of blended truth of fact and 
truth of symbol. 

III. She would not renounce her belief that her Saints were 

IV. She believed herself to be cognoscent of contingent events 
in the future, as that the French would do something distinguished 
(pulchrius factuni) in her company. (Her letter to Bedford of 
March 22, 1429.) She had also found the sword of Fierbois. 

Her important and successful prophecies were ignored. 

V. She wore a male dress, and, when wearing it, received the 

Why she wore male dress we know. 

VI. She used the motto Jesus MARIA, and said that the course 
of war would show which party was in the right. 

It did ! 

She claimed to come from God. 

VII. She went to Baudricourt and to Charles, proclaiming her- 
self a divine emissary. 

VIII. She leaped from the tower of Beaurevoir, disobeying her 
Saints, because (her own words are not given) she could not 


survive the fall of Compiegne, and ,( preferred to trust her soul 
to God, than her body to the English." But she knows by revela- 
tion that her sin was forgiven after her confession. 

She was to be condemned both for obeying and for disobeying 
her Saints. 

.IX. She believes herself as certain of heaven as if she were 
there already, and thinks that she cannot have committed mortal 
sins, for, if so, the Saints would not visit her. 

Her many qualifications, her leaving the subject to God, are 

X. She says that her Saints do not speak English, because they 
are^not pro-Burgundian. 

The stupidity of these men prevented them from seeing that 
the Voices might as well have spoken Hittite as English to Jeanne, 
who only knew French. 

.• XI. She has adored her Saints without taking clerical advice. 
Yet her modern " scientific " critics aver that her Voices and 
visions were known to fraudulent priestly directors from the first. 
Moreover, she had the formal approval of such clerks as Gerson, 
and the Archbishop of Embrun, and the synod of Poitiers. 

( XII. She refuses to submit her conduct and revelations to the 

But she was not allowed to appeal to the Church assembled 
at Basle. . \ 

This is a summary of the Articles : from which a large number 
of charges, as originally made, are omitted. The puerile iniquity of 
the whole accusation is conspicuous. Quicherat admitted that ; 
but argued, " given men so prejudiced as the assessors, the pro- 
cedure of the Inquisition made it impossible for them not to go 
wrong." Chanoine Dunand replies that the procedure of the In- 
quisition did not impose the duty of drawing up such Articles, that 
was the favourite procedure of the University of Paris — which was 
capable de tout. To myself all the judicial procedure of the 
Courts, lay or clerical, in the trial of a person feared and hated, 
seems about equally unfair, then, and for centuries later. 


On April 12 a number of Doctors gave their opinion on the 
Articles. Among them was Beaupere, who believed the visions and 
Voices to be natural hallucinations, and had the merit of adhering 
to his opinion twenty years later. There was also Migiet, who, 
in 1450-1456, posed as sympathetic ; there was Maurice, who was 
edified by her last confession to him ; there was the friendly 
Dominican, Isambart de la Pierre ; there were the modest Thomas 
de Courcelles, and Loiselleur, the prison spy, and there was Le 
Maitre. What a world ! They decided that the visions and 
Voices were either " human inventions " or the work of devils ; that 
Jeanne's evidence was a tissue of lies ; that she was blasphemous 
towards God, and impious towards her parents, schismatic as 
regarded the Church, and so forth. Doctors at large corroborated 
this verdict. Such Doctors were then the representatives of 
" Science." 

Modern readers are content to leave to the Church the rights 
and wrongs of Jeanne's relations to the Church and to faith. But 
charges of falsehood, as in her story of the sign given to the 
King, are another matter, and the discussion of these charges we 
relegate to the close of the book, so as not to interrupt the tragic 

There is no basis for the Protestant idea that Jeanne was a 
premature believer in " Free Thought " and the liberty of private 
opinion. She was as sound a Catholic as man or woman could 
be, in matters of faith; she was only forced by injustice into main- 
taining her freedom of opinion in matters of fact, of personal 
experience; and clerks as learned as they of Rouen maintain 
that this attitude was perfectly orthodox. 

WWlwKY iv V' 


AMONG the scribes and Doctors of the English party who had been 
consulted, the Canons of Rouen were backward, and reluctant to 
condemn the Maid. On April 13, when they met, the majority of 
their body were absent. It was decided to summon them again on 
the following day ; absentees were to be deprived of their rations 
for a week. This threat brought them to heel and they voted that 
the Articles should be explained to Jeanne in French, that she 
should be tenderly admonished to submit, and that the documents 
should be offered to the judgment of the University of Paris. But 
Jeanne was now dangerously ill ; prison, bonds, the company of 
brutal soldiers, and the anxiety and weariness of her conflict with 
the priestly bullies and cajolers had broken down even her strength. 
Her spirit was unbroken. 

On April 18, Cauchon went to her cell with some of his detested 
company, to try the effects of " a tender exhortation." Cauchon 
told her how kind and good they were, visiting her in her affliction. 
Perhaps as an ignorant and illiterate girl, she did not understand 
the depths of her errors. Here were gentle clerks who would in- 
struct her out of their science. They only desired the health of 
her body (for which they had been so singularly careful) and of 
her soul. They would be patient ; the bosom of the Church was 
ever open to the returning wanderer. Her languor, her apprehen- 
sions, are visible in her replies through the canine Latin of these 
learned men. She thanked them courteously for their solicitude 
about her health : she always rendered courtesy for courtesy. " I 

think I am in great danger of death, owing to my sickness ; and if 



God be pleased to work His will on me, I implore you that I may 
confess myself, and receive the Holy Sacrament, and be buried 
in holy ground." In no ground would they bury her body : but 
Cauchon's tomb and recumbent effigy were magnificent. 

We can see Jeanne's white face, her large eyes, and hear the 
piteous accent of her sweet low voice that in battle rang like a 
clarion call. Once more only, in her final victory over self and fear 
was that voice to be raised as of old. 

" If you would have the sacrament you must submit to Holy 

She answered wearily, " Je ne vous en scauroye maintenant autre 
chose dire ! " 

" The more you fear for your life, the more you should consent 
to amend it and submit." 

" If my body dies in prison I expect from you burial in holy 
ground ; if you do not give it, I await upon my Lord." 

They continued to trouble her, " Come what may, I will do or 
say no other thing; I have answered to everything in my trial." 
They then admonished her tenderly, and preached at her 
unctuously. If she would not submit she must "be treated as a 

" I am a good Christian, and am baptized, and as such I will 

Five Doctors in turn exhorted her. 

They offered her a fine procession ; she said she was content that 
the Church and good Catholics should pray for her. Then they 
left her to the society of the men of John Gray and William 
Talbot, who might drink, dice, and jest beside the bed where her 
weak limbs lay in anguish. She could not die ; " so strongly was 
the spirit thirled in the body." 

Messengers were sent to the University of Paris with the XII 
Articles, a great festival for the learned professors. On May 2, 
Cauchon arranged a public admonition, in a chamber of the great 
hall of the Castle. With him were sixty of his shaven sort, includ- 
ing Courcelles and the kind Dominican, Isambart de la Pierre. 


Cauchon made a speech. " Read your book," said the Maid with 
scorn, "and I will answer you. I appeal to God, my Creator, 
whom I love with all my heart." 

" The book " was read, the old story, she was accused of great 
palpable lies about the Angel who brought the crown to her King, 
and of all her other sins. She answered that she referred to her 
former replies. " If I see the fire before me I will say what I say 
now, and no other thing." 

" If the General Council and the Holy Father were here, would 
you submit to them ? " 

" You will get no more from me." 

" Will you submit to the Pope ? " 

" Take me to the Pope and I will answer him." 

She had appealed to the Pope. 

She would not refer to the nobles of her party, who, she had 
said, saw the Angel and the Crown. She would only do so if she 
might first send a letter. She had to explain her allegory to them, 
of course ; and in the same way she would not refer to the clergy 
at Poitiers, " Do you think to take me so?" she asked. In every 
question she saw a trap, and she had every reason to distrust the 
recreant clerks of her party. Threatened with fire, eternal and 
temporal, she said that if they burned her, ill would befall them, 
body and soul. Her courage was such that she did not veil her 
contempt for them — " Read your book ! " She answered threat with 
threat, and, learning all this, the Canons of Rouen condemned her in 
a document of May 4. On May 9 she was brought into a chamber 
where lay their instruments of torture, the two tormentors standing 
by, ready to go to work ; Erard, Loiselleur, and sympathetic Massieu 
were present. They showed her the instruments, racks and screws, 
and the executioners, then bade her amend her replies. 

" Truly," she said, " if you tore me limb from limb, till my soul 
is forced from my body, I will say no other thing than I have 
said. And if I do, I will always declare that you dragged it from 
me by force." Such a declaration, made within a fortnight, would 
have invalidated confessions uttered under torture, at least by the 


law of Protestant Scotland. This was also the rule of the Inquisi- 
tion in Spain, and knowing victims would confess at the first touch 
of the rack, and then recant. 

On the day before (May 3), Jeanne had been comforted by St 
Gabriel ; her Voices said that he was St. Gabriel. She had asked 
her Voices if she ought to submit to the Church? They had 
answered that, " if she desired the aid of God, she must wait upon 
Him in all that she did." Now her conscience could not sanction 
her submission, though by this time she was nearly outworn. She 
had asked, " Shall I be burned ? " and the Voices had replied, " You 
must wait upon our Lord, and He will be your aid." 

She was asked if she would refer the story of the Crown and 
Angel to the Archbishop of Reims. " Bring him here, and let me 
hear him speak ; he will not dare to deny what I have told you." 

The judges then " seeing the manner of her replies, and her 
obdurate mind, and fearing that the agony of torture would not 
do her any good, postponed the torture, till they had further 

There was a limit even to their hardness of heart. This one 
thing only, torture, was spared to the Maid. On May 12 they 
debated on the torture, judiciously leaving the Maid to expect it 
day by day. Their opinions were taken by Cauchon. Roussel 
thought that the use of torture might impair the stately beauty of 
the trial, as hitherto conducted. Erard thought that they had 
evidence enough, without torture. Morelli was in favour of 
torture, so was Thomas de Courcelles, so was Loiselleur, adding 
that torment would be good for the health of her soul. These 
three were outvoted, eleven votes were in favour of mercy. 

Morelli, Loiselleur, de Courcelles, these are the names of 
blackest infamy. 

She lay in irons for another week, and then came the jubilant 
replies of the Professors and Doctors and Masters of the University 
of Paris. The Maid's crimes had been " elegantly " related to 
them by Beaupere and Midi. The whole University agreed in 
opinion about the XII Articles. It was plain to scientific minds 


that Jeanne's St. Michael, St. Catherine, and St. Margaret were, 
in fact, Belial, Satan, and Behemoth (a lubber fiend of old 
mythology. Two centuries later Behemoth wrote through the 
automatic hand of Sceur Jeanne des Anges, superior of the bewitched 
nuns of Loudun). Jeanne was a crafty traitor, cruel, and athirst for 
human blood ; a cowardly suicide in intention ; a pernicious liar, 
a schismatic and idolator, a heretic. Such was their science. Un- 
like Moses, she showed no sign, did not change a stick into a 
serpent. Unlike John the Baptist (who also showed no sign), 
she did not quote a text of the Bible in favour of her mission. 
She could not read, or she might have quoted plenty, — and that 
would have been another proof of her depravity. 

Most of the learned, though proud of the opinion of the 
University, still thought that Jeanne should have one more tender 
admonition. Nothing could save her ; even if she were acquitted, 
the English had announced their intention to take her back : the 
chances are that they would have drowned her. 

On May 23, Pierre Maurice exhorted her, after the compliments 
of Paris University had been explained to her. The Maid replied 
to Maurice's sermon that her answer was her old answer. " If I 
saw the fire lit, if I were in the flames, I would say no other thing." 
The scribe wrote on the margin of his paper, Johannes responsio 
superba (" Jeanne's haughty answer "). 

They had no more to ask ; they left her to the cheerful badinage 
of the varlets of William Talbot and John Gray. Who knows 
what passed in the mind of the Maid when her English soldiers 
slept ? Till now, and even on the following day for a while, she 
had interpreted the words of her Voices into promises of victorious 
deliverance. She knew not how, but surely all French hearts in 
Rouen would turn to her, and, even when she was going to the 
stake, would gather and sweep away the English guards. Or a 
trumpet, at the last moment, would ring out, and the gates of the 
town would be burned and broken, and she would hear the cries 
of St. Denys and St. Andrew, and the standards of Dunois and 
La Hire, of Kennedy and Chambers, of d'Alencon and Poton 


de Saintrailles, de Rais, and Florent d'llliers ; and the penoncels, 
white, with golden lilies, would float above the levelled spears ; 
and d'Aulon would press to the front in a charge of the chivalry of 
France. She would be released with great victory : her Saints 
had promised, and they had never failed her. 

But now, had knights and Saints alike played her false ? Out- 
worn as she was, did she remember that she was a daughter of 
the Church : that these priests said that they spoke for the Church j 
the University of Paris spoke for the Church ; could they all be 
in the wrong ? 

Pierre Maurice, at that last exhortation, had really spoken 
kindly and in simple words ; it is quite possible that he had meant 
to be kind. He had approached her on the military side, and in 
the name of honour. "What would you think of a knight in your 
King's land who refused to obey your King and his officers ? Yet 
you, a daughter of the Church, disobey the officers of Christ, the 
bishops of the Church. Be not ashamed of obedience, have no 
false shame, you will have high honour, which you think that you 
will lose, if you act as I ask you to do. The honour of God" (words 
of certain appeal to her), " and your own life in this world, and 
your salvation in the next, are to be preferred before all things." 

Honour was of all things dearest to the Maid ; she was 
giving Her life for the honour of her King; was she impairing 
the honour of God? She had seemed unmoved when Maurice 
spoke these words and others such as these, which were far 
more likely to affect her than bullying and reviling discourses. 
Perhaps she pondered his exhortation, and her own weakness 
and want of human and religious comfort, in the night before 
she was to be led to the market-place of St. Ouen, to the 
crowd, and the stake, the clergy, the nobles, the men-at-arms, the 
preachers, the people, waiting to see her abjure her Saints or 
burn. It was usual to preach at the convicted witah before 
burning her; John Knox did so at St. Andrews. 

Beaupere gave evidence that, before Jeanne was placed in 
the tumbril which drew her to the place of doom, he went alone 


into her cell, and advised her to submit " She said that she 
would do so." This is improbable, but Beaupere so understood 
her reply. 

She was taken to the square, where was a great scaffolding 
crowded with prelates and nobles, and another scaffold for the 
preacher, Erard, and for Jeanne and the priests. Erard was 
the revered friend of Machet, the confessor of her King. Erard 
denounced her King, and she answered, as has been said, that 
" her King was the noblest of all Christians " : he, the caitiff 
whom she had crowned, and who had abandoned her. 

Jeanne replied to the preacher's words boldly, as in that hour 
her Voices bade her do, " I have told your Doctors that all my 
deeds and words should be sent to Rome to our Holy Father, 
the Pope, to whom, and to God first, I appeal. . . . As for my 
deeds, I burden no man with them, neither my King nor any 
other. If any fault there be, it is my own and no other's." 

There never was such loyalty, never a word escaped her 
which could be turned to the reproach of those who had 
employed her and deserted her. They told her that the Pope 
was too far away, and that the Ordinaries were the judges. But 
Cauchon was in no sense her Ordinary. 

Then, to follow the official account, given in the Proces, she 
was thrice admonished ; and next the reading of her sentence 
was begun, " when she said that she would hold all that the 
judges and the Church decreed, and would be obedient and at 
their will. She would not uphold her visions and revelations, 
since the churchmen said that they were not to be upheld and 
believed. Next she made her abjuration, according to the form 
of the document then read to her in French words, which she 
also pronounced, and she signed the paper with her own hand, 
in this form," namely Jehanne, followed by a cross. This is the 
official record. There follows the Abjuration, a document of some 
five hundred words in some forty-six lines of small close print. 

In this formula she is made to express penitence for mendaci- 
ously forging the revelations of her Saints, for making superstitious 


divinations, for blaspheming God and the Saints, for indecently 
wearing man's dress, contrary to the honour of her sex, for 
despising God and His sacraments, for adoring and invoking evil 
spirits, for being seditious. She makes a long apology, and an 
oath of obedience to St. Peter, the Pope — and Cauchon ; and 
she swears that she will never return to her errors. 

Did Jeanne, consciously and wittingly, repeat this tremendous 
catalogue of crimes whereof she was innocent? Did she sign it, 
her hand being led at the pen by one of the clerks, as it was 
led when her signature was added to letters dictated by her in 
her victorious days ? Did she swear to the contents of the docu- 
ment with her hand on the Gospels, a part of the ceremony of 
abjuration ? No witness deposes to the last fact. 

In truth we shall never know exactly what occurred. The 
official record of the abjuration proceeds smoothly; but, in fact, 
there was interruption, confusion, tumult, and hence the evidence 
taken in 1450-1456 is perplexing, though there is the substantial 
agreement of five witnesses to the effect that Jeanne signed a very 
brief document. Certainly Jeanne interrupted by some words the 
reading of the sentence. A witness says that " she cried with a 
loud voice that she submitted to the judgment of the Church, and 
that she prayed St. Michael to advise and counsel her." 

According to the evidence given abundantly in 1450-1456, 
there was a break in the proceedings after her interruption ; 
there was a show of popular irritation lest she should escape; 
and angry words passed on the platform of the English nobles 
and French clerks. According to Massieu, the interruption of 
the reading of the sentence gave rise to a great tumult among 
the bystanders, and many stones were thrown, by whom he did 
not know ; at whom he does not say. According to Marguerie 
and others, the tumult was not confined to the populace or 
soldiers. On the platform of the nobles and prelates a chaplain 
of Cardinal Beaufort told Cauchon that he favoured Jeanne. 
" You lie," said Cauchon, with apostolic mildness. Beaufort 
bade his chaplain be silent. Lemaire, who was present, reported 


hearsay evidence to the effect that several of the nobles were 
ill-content, and that Maurice, Loiselleur, and others were in 
danger of their lives. Maurice feared that he might be beaten. 
Later some bystanders said that the abjuration was a mockery. 
Fave "had heard it said" that certain Englishmen drew their 
swords on the bishop and the clerics ; but that was after the 
abjuration, when the assemblyhad broken up. 

On the whole, the evidence proves that, when Jeanne inter- 
rupted the reading of the sentence, there was a kind of riot, 
and the stones thrown, whoever threw them, were probably aimed 
at Maurice, Erard, possibly Massieu, perhaps at Loiselleur, who 
were trying to persuade her to sign a form of abjuration, which 
was just what the English did not want her to do. Her 
instant death was their desire. It is impossible to ascertain, 
from the evidence given in 1 450-1456, what this form of ab- 
juration really was. Massieu, who actually held in his hand and 
read to Jeanne the document, says that " at the end of the 
sermon" Erard read to Jeanne the list of the sins which she 
must abjure. Jeanne said that she did not understand, and 
Erard bade Massieu advise her. He told her that she would 
be burned if she refused to accept the Articles, and advised 
her to appeal to the Universal Church as to whether she 
should obey or not. She did appeal, loudly, but Erard said, 
"You must abjure at once, or be burned." Before she left the 
place she abjured, and made a cross on the paper of Articles. 
The paper which she signed contained about eight lines and no 
more. It was not the abjuration given in the official record ; 
Massieu read the paper and knows perfectly that it was not the 
official formula. Courcelles, who remembered little, recollected 
that Venderes made a copy of the Articles, beginning like that 
given in the official record, but he knew no more. De Desert 
said that Jeanne smiled while she pronounced some of the 
words ; — there was other evidence to this effect ; and her mirth 
irritated an English doctor, who quarrelled with Cauchon, and 
was answered, " You lie ! " 


De la Chambre deponed that Erard promised release from 
prison, whereon she pronounced after him the words contained 
in six or seven lines on a piece of folded paper. The witness 
stood near at hand, and could see the lines. Now the abjuration 
in the official record fills forty-six lines of small close print. 
Migiet said that the words which Jeanne repeated were of about 
the length of Our Lord's Prayer, whereas there are about five 
hundred words in the official version. Manchon said that 
Loiselleur promised her much good, and that she would be 
placed in ecclesiastical hands, if she would wear female dress ; 
and that she smiled as she said the words prescribed. Taquel 
was hard by when Massieu read the document to the Maid ; it 
was in large letters, and occupied about six lines. 

From the harmony of these testimonies, given on oath, mainly 
by priests, in an age when men feared to be damned eternally if 
they perjured themselves, it seems a fair inference that Jeanne did 
not repeat the long count of crimes and promises of amendment 
which the official document reports. We have the choice of two 
alternatives ; the five witnesses told the truth ; and Cauchon, with 
the makers of the official report, greatly expanded and affixed 
Jeanne's signature to the little document really read to her; or 
she repeated and signed the prolix document, and the five 
witnesses harmoniously perjured themselves. That they perjured 
themselves harmoniously seems more improbable than the other 
alternative. The question is regarded as important, for, it is 
argued, if Jeanne pronounced the words of the long form of 
abjuration, she perjured herself, and cannot be regarded as a 
person of " heroic " and saintly virtue. Considering her circum- 
stances, her long sufferings, the mental confusion caused by the 
tumult ; the promises of escape from the infamous company of 
base English grooms ; and the terror of the fire, I cannot regard 
her, — even if she recited and set her mark to the long abjura- 
tion, — as less " heroic " than St. Peter was when he thrice denied 
his Lord. It is cruel, it is inhuman, to blame the girl for not 
soaring above the apostolic heroism of the fiery Galilean ; for 


being, at one brief moment, less noble than herself. But, as a 
matter of fact, it is as nearly as possible certain that, though 
she repeated some form of words, and signed something, she 
neither repeated nor signed the long and drastic document given 
in the official record. It is clear that the assessors of Cauchon 
did not believe that she thus abjured. This is plain, for, on 
May 29, at a final meeting of the assessors, Venderes gave the 
first vote : she should be condemned as a heretic and handed 
over to secular justice. But thirty-nine of forty-two assessors 
followed the Abbe" de Fecamp, who said that she was relapsed. 
"Yet it is well that the document lately read," — that is the long 
official schedule of abjuration, just read to the assessors, — "be 
again read, before her, and be explained to her, the word of God 
being expounded to her. When these things have been done, 
we judges have to declare her heretic, and leave her to secular 
justice. ..." 

All this means that the vast majority of the assessors, for the 
sake of their own consciences, wished to be assured that she had 
verily set her hand to the long confession of crimes in the official 
form of abjuration. 

Migiet, Prior of Longueville-Giffard, said, at the Trial of 
Rehabilitation, as we have seen, that Jeanne signed a paper no 
longer than the Lord's Prayer. On May 29 he expressed himself 
thus : " if, in her sober senses " {passione remota), " she confessed 
the things contained in the official document, I agree with the 
vote of the Abb<£ of Fecamp." 

Migiet knew that she had not confessed the things in the 
official document but the things contained in a very brief form 
of words, no longer than a pater noster. But Cauchon ignored 
the thirty-nine votes ; the long formula was never read to Jeanne, 
who, of course, would have protested that she never saw it before. 
Thus Courcelles was able to swear that in the trial of Jeanne 
he " had never condemned Jeanne unconditionally." Thirty-nine 
out of forty-two assessors never did condemn her unconditionally. 
Only two assessors did unconditionally condemn her, but Cauchon 



and the Vice-Inquisitor, the only actual judges^ did so condemn 

But Jeanne herself, unless we totally reject another part of 
the official record, recognised and averred that whatever she spoke 
and signed was sinful on her part. 

Historians who accept the fact that the Maid compromised 
her honour, on the strength of the Maid's own words, presently 
to be quoted, are accused (by Canon Dunand, for example) of 
accepting " the English legend " and denouncing the Maid as 
"a perjured apostate." 

The " legend " is not English, of course, but French ; the 
records which contain the " legend " were made in France, by 
Frenchmen. All that the English then cared for was the instant 
burning of Jeanne as a sorceress ; the details, the examinations, the 
science and learning, the records, they left to their willing and eager 
French subjects. Learning, history, exact records, were then less 
than nothing to the English. They wished to be freed from the girl 
who had baffled and beaten them, who had demoralised their men 
and sapped their empire. Cauchon managed the business zealously ; 
he made the history, or made the legend. The English desire 
was, not that Jeanne should abjure, but that she should, to save 
time, refuse to abjure, and be burned at once. They did not 
want "the English legend" of her abjuration, they clamoured 
for her instant death. Legend or history, the whole narrative is 
entirely French. The affair once over, the English did not care 
a straw for history. They had no contemporary writer of 
chronicles. Their " legend " in later times was derived from 
Polydore Virgil and French historians. 

Meanwhile we quote the Maid's own verdict on herself, given 
on May 28, 1429. "God told me, through St. Catherine and St 
Margaret, of the great pity of that treason (trayson) to which I, 
consented, when I made that abjuration and revocation to save 
my life, and that I was damning " (or condemning) " myself to 
save my life. ... If I were to say that God did not send me I 
would condemn myself, for true it is that God sent me. My 


Voices have told me, since, that I greatly sinned in that deed, in 
confessing that I had done ill. What I said, I said in fear of 
fire." She then revoked what she had said in fear of fire, as she 
had promised to revoke whatever she might say under torture. 
She even now maintained the truth of her parable of the Crown 
and Angel. She never betrayed the King's secret. 

Unless any one chooses to maintain that this is a forged or 
falsified record, in which case there is no use in criticism, the 
Maid declares herself to have abjured her mission, and been 
guilty of trayson to save her life. Her repentance was speedy 
and complete. She was the very soul of honour, and I, for one, 
will not dishonour her by contradicting her words — granting that 
they are her words. She said, indeed, that at St. Ouen " she had 
not denied, or had not intended to deny, her apparitions, namely 
that they were St. Catherine and St. Margaret." 

This appears to mean no more than that she did not remember 
having any clear sense that her words explicitly denied the 
identity of her Saints. " I was not intending to revoke anything 
unless it was because it so pleased our Lord." These words read 
like statements of dim recollections of a troubled mind. M. 
Quicherat points out that, " as if to leave no doubt of lucidity of 
her consciousness at the moment of her abjuration, she added 
that her Voices had warned her beforehand of the sin into which 
she would fall." 

Her recorded words on May 28 are, " Dit que, avant de jeudi, 
ses Voix lui avoient dit ce qu'elle feroit, et qu'elle fist ce jour." 
"She says that, before May 24, her Voices had told her what 
she would do (or should do?) on that day, and what on that day 
she did." But the confession proceeds, " She says further that 
her Voices told her on the scaffold to answer that preacher 
boldly ; and she called him a false preacher, and he had said 
several things which she had not done." She had answered him 
boldly when he insulted her King, she had obeyed her Voices 
Did her words on May 28 mean that her Voices, like the voice 
of our Lord to St. Peter, had prophesied her abjuration ? If so, 


what becomes of the Freedom of the Will, concerning which the 
Maid was accused of holding erroneous doctrines ? 

We shall never know the meaning of the strange smile which 
played on her lips as she spoke whatever words of abjuration 
she did speak. Several witnesses noticed it : one says that she 
made her mark as a round cipher, O, in sign of mockery, on a 
paper handed to her by Laurence Calot, secretary of Henry VI ; 
and that he took her hand with the pen in it, and made her trace 
some other sign. But this is the witness, de Macy, who spoke of 
Erard by the name of Midi, and his evidence is untrustworthy. 
Whatever Jeanne really said, whatever she really signed, in that 
awful moment, she later condemned her own acts, repented, and 
on earth as in heaven, must have deserved nothing worse than 
love and pity and forgiveness. 

" My Saints, my Saints, why have ye forsaken me ! " she may 
have cried in her heart ; and for that moment she denied, if not 
her Saints, at least her mission. For that moment she was 
untrue to herself, she a lonely girl of nineteen, who through a 
year of imprisonment, and eight months of intolerable bondage, 
outrage, persecution, had never wavered. The miracle is that 
she wavered ; but she was very young, all uncomforted, without 
a friend, oppressed, and broken, and confused by threats and 
clamour and cajolements. The first of the Apostles thrice 
denied his Lord, and that with no stake and fire before his eyes, 
as one of the Doctors said in the Trial of Rehabilitation. It 
was only her Master that, after a life divinely supported, could 
say, Eloil Eloil lama sabacJithani 1 ? and yet, though "forsaken," 
could go on to drink of that cup, obedient to that Will of His 

Martyrs there have been many, but few have had to face the 
trial of the Maid, to feel herself deserted by the visible Powers 
who had been her friends so long, and who, as she believed, had 
promised her release with great victory. This trial was her 


The abjuration having been made, whatever the form of abjuration 
may have been, Cauchon read the sentence on the sinner. Jeanne 
was once more told that she had erred in the forgery of lying 
revelations, in playing the diviner, in blaspheming God and His 
Saints, and the rest of the document. But now that she had 
abjured, she was released from excommunication. To work out 
her penitence the Church assigned to her lifelong prison, " bread 
of sadness, water of affliction." With less than the humility to be 
expected of a penitent, the Maid treated Loiselleur, the spy, who 
said, " You have done a good day's work, please God, and saved 
your soul." Not answering him, she cried, " Here some of you 
church folk ! Take me to your prisons, and out of the hands of 
the English ! " 

Not even at that hour could she repress her " calm unwavering 
deep disdain " of the learned Doctors. But she did not even yet 
know them. " Take her back whence you brought her," said 

The ecclesiastical hermitage in which she should cleanse her 
sins by penitence was to be the old loathsome cell, where, in 
irons, and in the company of the merry men of John Gray and 
William Talbot, she might devote herself to the contrite life. 
By the rule of the Inquisition, women prisoners were to be kept 
apart from men, and watched by women. With equal cruelty, 
hypocrisy, and perfidy, Cauchon broke the rules of the Inquisition, 
and replaced the Maid in the den of unspeakable moral torment. 

He had never meant to do anything else. England had from the 



first stipulated that she must recover her victim, if acquitted. 
Thus, from first Jx>_ last, the trial was one organised hypocrisy 
on the part of the French judges. Cauchon threw over the rules 
of his Church, and made Jeanne a present to her political enemies. 
Quicherat attempts to palliate the supreme iniquity : here his desire 
to be impartial has led him into a strange partiality. 

If anything especially moved Jeanne to whatsoever abjuration 
she made, after the prospect of instant fiery torment and death, 
it was the enforced society, by day and night, of the men of 
merry England. This I take to have been the most cruel part 
of her long martyrdom, and now she must consort with them 
without the protection of her accustomed attire. The story 
ran that Warwick was not yet content, and bullied the French 
clerics. One of them said, "Do not disturb yourself, my Lord, 
we shall soon have her again." The men-at-arms mocked at 
the Maid unreproved. 

In the afternoon, Courcelles, Loiselleur, Midi, and de la Pierre, 
with others, went to the cell, and spoke to Jeanne of the great pity 
and mercy of the churchmen. She was told that she must wear 
woman's dress ; and this was brought to her. She put it on, and 
allowed her military crop of hair to be adjusted in feminine 

The Duchess of Bedford, when she and Anna Bavon declared 
Jeanne to be a maiden, gave orders that Gray, Talbot, and the 
rest should not offer her violence. It was the Duchess who now 
sent to her Jean Simon, a tailor, with the dress. In putting it 
on, he took her by the breast, to her great anger ; she struck the 

We do not know, happily we never shall know, all that passed 
in that cell between May 24, the day of the abjuration, and 
May 27, Trinity Sunday. We do know that at night she lay, her 
legs in irons, with couples fastened to a chain, and attached by a 
lock to a great beam of wood. There she lay from May 24 to 
May 27. On that day came tidings to the scribes and Doctors 
that Jeanne had relapsed, and was again wearing man's costume. 


The shavelings trooped to the castle in their robes ; but, as they 
stood in the court, a hundred of En glancTs^ merry -men assailed 
them with injurious and libellous observations. They learned that 
they were "traitor Armagnacs and false counsellors," and they 
were glad to escape from the courtyard. Manchon was there, and 
was so alarmed that, when summoned to the castle on Monday, he 
would not go till a retainer of Warwick acted as his protector. A 
clerk named Marguerie asked why Jeanne returned to man's dress? 
whereon an English soldier threatened the priest with his spear, 
and caused him grievous terror. 

It was necessary, however, to admit Cauchon and his acolytes 
on Monday. They found Jeanne in her old attire, and asked her 
why she had relapsed. According to the official report, she replied 
that she preferred her old costume, and she did not understand 
that she had sworn never to wear it again. " It was more con- 
venient to wear men's dress among men, and the promise that 
she should receive the sacrament and be released from the irons 
had been broken." 

"I would rather die than remain in irons. If you will release 
me, and let me go to Mass and lie in gentle prison, I will be good, 
and do what the Church desires." 

" / will be good ! " she returned to the innocence of a child sub- 
mitting to a mother, and spoke as a child. 

This is the official version. 

De la Pierre testifies that she publicly averred that " the English 
did her wrong and violence while she wore woman's dress " ; and 
her face, " wet with tears, disfigured and outraged," moved the 
compassion of the Dominican. Ladvenu added a tale too horrible 
for quotation concerning an English lord, and swore that the Maid 
told it openly. 

Manchon does not go so far ; he says that Jeanne merely com- 
plained that " her guards wished to make attempts " upon her 
person, as the reason why she changed her dress. 

She resisted till noonday, and then, being constrained to rise, 
did as she must. They would not return her woman's dress, 


despite her entreaties. Massieu swore that Jeanne told him this 
on May 29, in answer to his questions, after dinner, when Warwick 
and Estivet had left him alone with her. This appears the most 
probable version : in any case the English had deliberately left the 
forbidden dress in her way. 

The official record says that she told her gaolers, apparently, 
that her Voices had come to her and counselled her. At what 
moment this occurred we do not know. The details of her 
" relapse " we can never know, and gladly avert our eyes from the 
cruelty wrought in that dark place of the earth. There is, we 
shall see, good evidence against the loathsome story told by 

It was enough for them that by means in any case infamous 
they had recaptured her, " relapsed." On May 29, Cauchon 
gathered his bandits, the " Reverend Fathers in Christ/' — the cruel 
and the cowardly, — Courcelles and Loiselleur, Ladvenu and 
Isambart de la Pierre, all the sort of them, in the chapel of his 
house, the palace of the Archbishop of Rouen. They all agreed, 
de la Pierre and all, that Jeanne must be handed over to the 
secular arm, that is, after the confession of her sins had been read 
to her. This condition, we have seen, was never fulfilled. The 
best of them were dastards ; but a poor monk, with death as the 
alternative, must obey the will of his superiors. We, who are not 
monks, and have not been tempted as they were, may censure 
them at pleasure. 

The Maid was cited to appear at the Old Market, on May 30. 
The Church must hand her over to secular justice, begging that 
it might not injure her in life or limb ! If she showed signs of 
sincere penitence, she was to be allowed to receive the sacrament 
of confession so long denied to her. 

With the pronouncement of the sentence, the official record, 
signed by Boisguillaume, Manchon, and Taquel, closes. But there 
is a document about her last confessions, done after her death, 
on June 7, not thus attested, yet given by Cauchon as official, 
and as part of the record of the trial. Manchon was not present 


at the alleged interview of certain priests with Jeanne, in prison, 
on the morning of May 30, the day of the martyrdom. He 
therefore hardened his heart ; and though Cauchon tried to force 
him to sign the document done on June 7, he refused. No notary 
signed this ambiguous record. 

Cauchon was anxious to prove that Jeanne again abjured. 
One form of his proof is that she, in fact, received the 
sacrament, and the inference is that she satisfied these men. 
The document is informal ; but it is part of the history, or, 
if any one pleases, the legend of Cauchon. It was accepted 
as evidence by de Leliis, one of the judges who rehabilitated 
the Maid. He held it as proof that Jeanne, "after taking the 
sacrament, persisted, and till her death continued to aver, that 
she really had the visions and Voices." It was impossible 
that in this she could have lied. But as to whether the spirits 
were good or bad, says de Leliis, she left it to the judgment 
of the churchmen. 

Remembering, then, the nature of the record of June 7, 
unsigned by Manchon or any notary, and remembering that 
the witnesses were Cauchon's cowering creatures, we follow their 
stories. The odious Loiselleur and Maurice, Professor of Theology, 
went alone, early in the morning, into the cell. They asked the 
Maid to tell them the truth about the Angel and Crown. 
Loiselleur heard Jeanne say that she was the angel, and announced 
the crown to her King. All this is plain from her own allegorical 
narrative as told to her judges. The Angel, she then said, 
entered by the door, and bowed down before the King. Angels 
do not thus salute mortal princes ! (See Appendix C, on The 
King's Secret.) There was no other angel in the room : the crown 
was the promise of the coronation. As to the visions of multitudes 
of angels, Jeanne said that they actually appeared to her, u be 
they good or bad spirits, they really appeared to me." Maurice 
added that "she had heard the Voices, most frequently at the 
hour of Complines, when the bells ring, and also in the morning, 
when the bells ring." (It is not said that she had her visions of 


Saints chiefly at these hours ; and, as we know, she heard the 
Voices even during the scene at St. Ouen.) The hosts of angels 
" appeared to her in the aspect of minute things." Maurice told 
her " that the spirits were clearly bad, as they had promised her 
release, and she had been deceived." Jeanne answered that " it 
was true that she had been deceived." Loiselleur added that 
Jeanne, while conscious that she had been deceived, referred 
the question, " were the spirits good or evil ? " to the clerks ; but 
she would no longer put her faith in them. This is vague, and 
is not attested by Maurice. Perhaps, if she spoke thus, while 
not denying that the spirits were good, she merely meant that 
she no longer hoped for release. 

Ladvenu, with the news of her approaching death by fire, and 
Toutmouill6, another Dominican, now entered the cell. Tout- 
mouill6, on June 7, 143 1, corroborated the evidence already given, 
but, in 1450, said nothing of it. He then dilated on the horror 
with which Jeanne received the news of her death by fire. " She 
cried piteously, tore her hair, and exclaimed, ' Alas, will they 
treat me so horribly and cruelly, and burn my body that never was 
corrupted, and consume it to ashes this day ! Ah, ah, rather 
would I be seven times beheaded than thus burned ! Ah, had I 
been in a prison of the Church, to which I submitted, and been 
guarded by churchfolk, and not by my enemies and adversaries, 
this would never have befallen me ! Oh, I appeal before God, 
the great Judge, against these wrongs that they do me ! ' And 
here she complained of the oppressions and violences done her 
by her gaolers and others admitted to see her. She turned to 
Cauchon, who had entered, and spoke out boldly, " Bishop, through 
you I die . . . wherefore I appeal you before God." 

If this terrible evidence be true, at least Jeanne could still 
talk of her uncorrupted virginal body. Toutmouille' attested that 
(in 1 431) when he said that she now saw how her Voices had 
deceived her in promising her deliverance, she answered, " Truly, 
I well see that they have deceived me." It was before Cauchon 
entered, says Toutmouille^ that, asked if her spirits were not evil, 


she answered, " I know not. I trust myself therein to my Mother, 
the Church," or " to you, who are churchmen." But Camus, who 
entered with Cauchon, obviously exaggerates, going far beyond 
Toutmouille, who, we see, did his best to give his recollection 
of her very words. Camus says that Jeanne persisted that she 
had seen the appearances and heard the Voices ; but, " since she 
had not been released, she believed that they were not good 
Voices or things." As Mr. Lowell writes, " The anxiety of Le 
Camus to please Cauchon evidently led him into exaggeration, if 
not into downright falsehood." Le Camus also makes Jeanne 
say to Ladvenu, when he ministered to her the sacrament, that 
Christ alone could liberate her; and being asked if she still 
believed in her Voices, " I believe in God only, and wish no more 
to believe in the Voices, since they have so deceived me." 
Ladvenu himself, on June 7, told much the same story ; but does 
not say that she so spoke when receiving the sacrament. He 
makes her opinion that the spirits were evil dependent on the 
belief of the churchmen around her. They say so. Manifestly 
unless she had conciliated them in terms like these, they would 
not have let her receive the sacrament. But, if Ladvenu's later 
evidence is to be credited, at the stake she returned to her faith 
in her Saints, and proclaimed it loudly. 

Thomas Courcelles, on June 7, gave very brief and cautious 
evidence. He says that Cauchon asked Jeanne if her Voices had 
not promised her deliverance. She said " ' Yes,' and added, as it 
seems to me, ' I see well that I have been deceived.' " Then, says 
Courcelles, the bishop told Jeanne that she must perceive that the 
Voices were evil, and came not from God. But there Courcelles 
stopped ; he did not add that the Maid acquiesced. This caution 
of Courcelles is notable; he was in no way dependent on Cauchon, 
and his evidence is much the least favourable to that prelate. 
Loiselleur says that she left the goodness or badness of the Voices 
and visions " to the clerks " ; she asserted their reality, but would 
no longer trust them. Loiselleur told her that she ought to make 
this confession publicly, at the stake, and ask pardon of the 


people for deceiving them. Jeanne replied that she would do 
so, and asked her confessor to remind her of it. No witness 
attests her confession, and prayer for forgiveness of her deceit, at 
the stake. 

Quicherat writes, probably with justice, that the document of 
June 7 is not a mere forgery through and through. Courcelles, who 
edited the Proces, is cited, and he would not have allowed his deposi- 
tion to stand, if he did not make it. " In face of death, the poor girl 
maintained, more firmly than ever, the actuality of the appearances ; 
but, subdued before her judges by the hope of obtaining from them 
the sacrament, beset by their arguments, and unable herself to 
reconcile the hope of deliverance that the Voices had given with 
the inevitable death before her, she admitted, for a moment, that 
her sublime instinct might have deceived her." Jeanne, of course, 
said and thought nothing about " her sublime instinct " ! 

I confess that, in my opinion, she had misunderstood the words 
of the Voices, " Bear thy affliction lightly, thence shalt thou come 
into the Kingdom of Paradise." Her normal self was not always 
on the level of her mysterious monitions. For a moment that 
normal self, not understanding, and cruelly disappointed in that she 
was not released, wavered, to what exact extent the evidence of 
Courcelles leaves doubtful. He could not say that Jeanne had 
confessed the Voices to be evil ; and the nobility of her nature 
shines forth when, in her moment of shaken faith, she puts her 
whole confidence in the divine Master of whom she was the loyal 

Meanwhile it is impossible, as Quicherat observes, to under- 
stand why — as the document of June 7 professes to contain the last 
formal interrogatory, that of May 30 — a record so essentially 
important to the prosecutors was not made at once, and inserted, 
in the Proces, on the day of the event. Why was a notary, 
Manchon, summoned to attest the facts by his signature, when he 
had not been present ? 

The document is not fit to go to a jury, and the whole conduct 
of this affair is suspicious; to Quicherat it offered " an insoluble 


problem." Yet the document, the weakest point in the case of the 
prosecution, was not the subject of questions at the Rehabilitation 
of 1450-1456. About the scene of the morning of May 30 no 
questions were asked, though de Leliis accepted the record. 
Perhaps its informality, for Manchon had explained why he 
refused to sign an examination "conducted by certain men as 
private persons," was thought reason sufficient for neglecting it. 
The document is not likely to be allowed to stand between the 
Maid and canonisation, if on other grounds the Saints are to be 
honoured by the insertion of her pure and glorious name in their 
roll-call. f 


JEANNE was granted, by the tender mercies of Cauchon, her last 
desire, she was allowed to receive the sacrament. Ladvenu heard 
her confession, and sent Massieu to the bishop to ask that the 
penitent might receive the Body of her Lord. Cauchon gathered 
some of his advisers, and gave permission ; the fact would be 
another proof that Jeanne had submitted. The sacrament was 
brought irreverently, without light and stole, on the paten of the 
chalice, wrapped in the linen cloth about the chalice itself. Then, 
Ladvenu remonstrating, lights were brought, and praying clerks, 
and after a second confession, Jeanne received very devoutly, and 
with many tears. 

Then she was clad in woman's attire, and was led by Massieu 
and Ladvenu to the stake. Already she had received a visit from 
Maurice, to whom she said, " Master Pierre, where shall I be this 
evening? " 

He answered, " Have you not good faith in the Lord ? " 

" I have, and by God's grace I shall be in Paradise." Even so 
the Voices had told her that it was to be, she was to come straight 
from earth to the place of blessed souls. 

As she was being taken to the burning she made such pious 
lament that her two companions could not forbear, but wept ; and 
all who heard her shed tears. It is a strange story that Loiselleur 
was pricked in his conscience; and climbed into the cart where 
Jeanne was, desiring to ask her forgiveness. The English were 
wroth, and would have slain him, but for Warwick who pro- 
tected him; for he wept bitterly as he passed along the street. 


He certainly did not leave Rouen to save his life, or not for 

Jeanne was taken to the Old Market, beside the Church of 
St. Saviour. There were three scaffolds ; on one the Maid was 
exhibited, and preached at, as she had been preached at before ; 
on another the lay and clerical magnates, as before, were 
assembled ; on the third was an elevated mass of plaster, above 
it were the faggots and the stake. A placard was exhibited 
here, with the words, " Jeanne, self-styled the Maid, liar, mischief- 
maker, abuser of the people, diviner, superstitious, blasphemer 
of God, presumptuous, false to the faith of Christ, boaster, idolator, 
cruel, dissolute, an invoker of devils, apostate, schismatic, heretic." 
There were sixteen terms of reproach, and every one of them was 
the blackest of lies. A kind of paper mitre, as was customary, 
was set on her head, with the inscription, 


Midi preached the sermon, abusing a text of St. Paul. 

She listened patiently, her warfare was over, and it is of 
record that her judges wept; they had no pity, but they had 

Cauchon read the sentence. 

"Then she invoked the blessed Trinity, the glorious Virgin 
Mary, and all the blessed Saints of Paradise, naming some of them 
expressly," her own Saints, we may suppose. " She begged right 
humbly also the forgiveness of all sorts and conditions of men, 
both of her own party and of her enemies ; asking for their 
prayers, forgiving them the evil that they had done her." She 
prayed all of the priests present, and they must have abounded at 
a burning, to give her each one Mass. It was dinner-time. While 
Cardinal Beaufort and some of the English nobles are said to 
have wept, others shouted that she must be handed over to them, 
to burn : " Priests, do you want to make us dine here ? " they cried. 

Without any formal secular sentence, the Bailiff of Rouen 
waved his hand, saying, " Away with her." 


She was led to the central scaffold. She climbed it as bravely 
as she had climbed the scaling-ladders at Orleans and Jargeau. 
She asked for a cross to gaze upon in her agonies. An English- 
man made a little cross of two pieces of a staff, and gave it to 
her. Devoutly she received it and kissed it, crying aloud on 
the Crucified : then she placed it in her bosom. She next prayed 
Massieu to bring the cross from the church, that she might look 
on it through the smoke. She long embraced it, and held it 
while she was being chained to the stake. She was heard saying, 
" Ah Rouen, I fear greatly that thou may'st have to suffer for my 
death ! " 

" To the end she maintained that her Voices were from God, 
and all that she had done was by God's command ; nor did she 
believe that her Voices had deceived her." She invoked St. 
Catherine; while being bound to the stake she had especially 
invoked St. Catherine ; and St. Michael, the first of the Holy Ones 
who came to her in her father's garden. The doubt of an hour 
was ended, she and her Saints were reconciled. She may have 
seen them through the vapour of fire. 

Last, with a great voice she called " JESUS ! " Her head 
drooped, and the Daughter of God went home to her Father's 
House. Her heart, cor cordium, was unconsumed. 

That the world might have no relic of her of whom the world 
was not worthy, the English threw her ashes into the Seine. 



The successes of the Maid have been freely attributed to the 
influence of alleged prophecies by Bede and Merlin, invented or 
contaminated by priests of her party. 

Concerning the Merlin prophecies we have said enough. 
We have shown that obscure sayings attributed to Merlin 
and reported by Geoffrey of Monmouth (circ. 1 145), about a heal- 
ing Virgin from the Nemus Canutum, were connected, in public 
opinion, with the Bois Chesnu of Domremy. The said Virgin was 
expected to come from the Bois Chesnu^ therefore "from the 
marches of Loraine.'' This Virgin, in the prophecy of Marie 
d' Avignon, under Charles VI, was to restore France by arms (after 
it had been ruined by a woman, the wife of the insane King, 
people said). 1 We have shown that this saying was current in the 
valley of the Meuse, and was known to the peasantry before Jeanne 
announced her mission ; so it was not composed in her interest by 
a cunning clerk. It may or may not have encouraged her; she 
certainly used it to persuade Katherine Royer. 

Of all these facts the proofs have been given. But the prophecy 
attributed to Bede is another affair. We must not, like M. Anatole 
France, identify the Bede with the Merlin prediction. 2 " Bede " 
says not a word of the Bois Chesnu. 

The saying of Merlin (which, of course, really applied to 
Britain, not to France) had won its way into folklore. The Bede 

1 Prods, vol. iii. pp. 83, 84. 

2 France, vol. i. p. 204, note 1, in which the Bede prophecy in Morosini, vol. iv. 

p. 324, is identified with the Merlin prediction. 



prediction was in Latin, and it was composed after Jeanne raised 
her standard. 

The so-called Bede prophecy is not in Bede's works. It is 
a chronogram, " a commemorative phrase, or saying, in prose or 
verse.'' By selecting such letters in a chronogram as are Roman 
numerals, such as i, I, v, V, 1, L, etc., and adding them up, their 
total gives the year-date of the event commemorated. The 
chronogram is a memoria technica of a date. 

The chronogram of the date of the murder of Jean sans Peur is 
Tolle, tolle, crucifige eum si vis. " Away with him, crucify him if 
you will ! " To get the date the chronogram is written thus : 

ToLLe, toLLe, CrVCIflge eVM si Vis. 

Adding together the Roman numerals, M (a thousand) and so 
on, we get 1419. The four L's give 200, the two C's give 200, + M 
that is 1400; the three V's make 15, the four l's make 4, result 
1419. There are several such chronograms, each a memoria 
technica of a date, in the Chronique de St. Michel} 

These chronograms do not pretend to be prophetic. But the 
alleged Bede prophecy of the Maid was given out as prophetic. 
Only the first line of the three lines is a chronogram. 

We first hear of it in an Italian letter of July 9, 1429, written 
from Bruges to Venice. 2 The writer says 3 that 4< at Paris . . . 
many prophecies have been found which make mention of this 
young lady" (the Maid), "among which is one of Bede in 
Alex(andro)." The chronogram is given, it sums up to 1429. 4 

On any remarkable occurrence the learned looked up their 
collections of oracles, such rubbish as Onomacritus is said to have 
preserved and interpolated in ancient Athens. 

There is no work of Bede "In Alexandre)? But Bede, as 
M. Lefevre-Pontalis shows, was confused with Merlin ; the 
Christian historian (672-735) with the heathen Celtic seer of 
Arthur's Court. Now Geoffrey of Monmouth dedicated his popular 

1 Prods, vol. iv. pp. 313, 314. 

2 Morosini, vol. iii. p. 89. 3 Ibid., vol. iii. p. 127. 
4 Ibid., vol. iii. p. 127. " People interpret it in various ways." 


tract on the prophecies of Merlin to Alexander, Bishop of Lincoln 
(i 1 23-1 148), in the words "Ad Alexandrum" The dedication 
" Ad Alexandrum" was mistaken for the title " In Alexandro" in 
a book called " Alexander." Bede and Merlin were rolled into one, 
and prophecies of Merlin were attributed to Bede in a non-existent 
book of Bede "In Alexandra? 

Christine de Pisan, an ancient religious lady, quotes Bede with 
Merlin in a poem on the Maid, written on July 31, 1429, when 
Charles VII was expected at the gates of Paris. 1 

Much earlier, Creton, the French chronicler of the death of our 
Richard II, shows that the confusion of Merlin with Bede was 
already made in England. 2 

The so-called Bede's prophecy is given, variously, by the 
Italian letter-writer of July 9, 1429; by Jean Brehal, Grand 
Inquisitor; 3 by Bower, the Scottish chronicler, 4 and by others. 

The first line of the three yields the date 1429. The two other 
lines read, " The young French cocks will make preparations for 
new wars, in Taurus ; behold wars break out, a Maid carries flags." 

In his opinion given at the Trial of Rehabilitation of Jeanne, 
Brehal remarks that " some say " (on dit) that Bede foretold the 
Maid in this chronogram. Brehal does not think much of this, and 
is more impressed by the Merlin prophecy, which, he says, is good 
folklore. 5 He interprets a form of the version given in Geoffrey 
of Monmouth ; he leaves out the words about London, for which 
he had no use. 6 

He also gives, and comments on, a long prophecy attributed to 
" Engelida, daughter of the King of Hungary." This was certainly 
composed after July 17, 1429, and before the failure at Paris. The 
Maid, we learn, has a soft voice, a little red birth-mark behind the 
ear, 'and collum modicum, which Brehal understands as " a short 

He says that many may think this prophecy rather less than 

1 Prods ', vol. v. p. 12. 

2 Creton (Webb), pp. 168, 169, 371. Buchon, p. 412. 

3 Prods, vol. iii. pp. 334-349 ; cf. 338-339. 4 Ibid., vol. iv. p. 481. 

Ibid,, vol. iii. pp. 338, 340. 6 Ibid., vol. iii. pp. 341, 342. 


authentic ! Still, we should try to take prophecies in a favourable 

The conclusion seems to be (1) that Jeanne and the people of 
her district knew a folklore prophecy, — Merlin filtered through 
Marie dAvignon, and localised at the Bois Chesnu y — and that the 
learned knew the saying in a literary shape in Geoffrey of 

(2) A mere chronogram, a new jeu d'esprit on the events of 
1429, was in Paris by July in that year attributed to Bede 
(through the old confusion of Bede with Merlin), and was circu- 
lated to encourage the French party by the evidence of a statement 
of facts, — which does not predict victory. Paris was the source 
of this sham prophecy, which may be due to the ingenuity of a 
Carmelite attached to his rightful King. 

(3) The prophecy of Engelida is a fabrication of between July 
17 and September 8, 1429. But Jeanne had relieved Orleans in 
May 1-8, and I fail to see that " without these pious frauds " (the 
chronogram and Engelida) " the marvels of the Maid would not 
have been accomplished." x 

In May 1-8, Engelida had not vaticinated ; and if any one 
thinks that Saint Loup, Les Augustins, the Tourelles, and Jargeau 
were stormed on the strength of a chronogram (saying that " a girl 
carries flags "), a chronogram certainly written after the Maid 
raised her victorious standard, I envy his gift of faith, though 
I wish it were devoted to doctrines more plausible. 

(I have rested on the learning of M. Lefevre-Pontalis, in 
Morosini, vol. iv. annexe xvi., drawing my own conclusions.) 

1 Anatole France, vol. i. p. 207. 



In the text I have shown that Jeanne's account of the attack on 
Paris (September 8, 1429) is precisely corroborated by that of a 
cool observer within the walls, Fauquemberque. The Maid said 
that the nobles intended to make an escarmouche, a military 
demonstration. 1 Fauquemberque says twice that they hoped to 
do more by a popular tumult within than by force of arms from 
without. 2 

M. France says that the attack was undoubtedly decided on in 
the Royal Council. No doubt it was ; but of his eight citations 
in proof, not one proves the fact, and the whole responsibility 
is thrown on Jeanne by the Accuser. 3 

" The Maid was not, it seems, informed as to the resolutions 
taken.*' The four citations given in proof do not say a word to 
this effect. 4 Jeanne remarks that the nobles intended to make 
a demonstration, while she meant to go through with the attack. 
Now their intention, as Fauquemberque asserts, was to make a 
demonstration, and raise a tumult ; and Jeanne knew that. 

Had they meant business, as M. France supposes, on the 
evidence of their lost masses of siege material, they would not 
have begun at two in the afternoon, and placed their guns " a little 
behind Windmill Hill, in shelter from the fowlers, culverins, and 
guns of Paris." 5 They were behind the hill in ambush, hoping 
to fall on any sortie made by the garrison. 6 If their guns were 

1 Prods, vol. i. pp. 146, 147. 2 Ibid., vol. iv. pp. 456-458. 

3 France, vol. ii. p. 73, note 2. 4 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 73> note 3- 

5 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 75. 6 Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 87. 



capable of bombarding the town from behind a hill which con- 
cealed the presence of the main body of the army, the ambush 
was betrayed by the guns. 

As to leaving their siege material behind, they knew that the 
besieged would not sally forth to look for it ; and they did not. 1 
The Maid was up at dawn, though wounded, 2 and, of course, 
meant to return and recover the siege material ; but the King sent 
two princes of the blood to stop her march. 3 

Consequently the siege material and 700 waggons fell into the 
hands of the unmolested people and garrison of Paris. Thus, 
at least, I interpret the evidence. The blame lies on the King. 

1 France, vol. ii. p. So. 2 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 82. 

3 Ibid., vol. ii. pp. 82, 83. 


to merely contains part of the story told to the judges, and is not 
evidence that the tale was told by her in France. I know not 
how to understand the method of making very strange state- 
ments, and supporting them by references to books and pages 
in which I can find no such matter. 

While there is absolutely no evidence that Jeanne ever told 
any such silly story in France, all the contemporary evidence of 
letter-writers, and all the evidence of witnesses of 1450-1456, 
merely represents her as making a verbal communication to the 
King, which surprised and pleased him, or which he kept secret. 
In a note I cite examples. 1 

The evidence merely declares that the sign was conveyed in 
a verbal communication. Had Jeanne gone about with a tale 
of an angel and a crown, the fact would appear in the con- 
temporary news-letters, Italian and German. Moreover, Jeanne 
was not an idiot. Her first interview with the King was witnessed 
by many coUrtiers and ecclesiastics, who saw no crown and no 
angel. Had she chattered in France about an angel and a crown, 
she would have been contradicted by hundreds of eye-witnesses, 
and would at once have lost all credit. She perfectly distinguished 
between what, to her, was real in her visions, and what was her 
own composition, produced at Rouen, based on the questions put 
to her, and deliberately adapted to the purpose of concealing the 
truth as to the King's secret. This can be and will be proved on 
the evidence of her judges themselves. 

We now follow her through the maze of the questions and 

On February 22, she said that, " before her King trusted her, 
he himself had many apparitions and fair revelations." About 
these she refused to answer in detail. What she meant may be 
gathered, probably from the following modern instance. Monsieur 

1 Rotselaer, April 22, 1429. Prods, iv. 426. Alain Chartier, July 1429. Prods, v. 
133. Pasquerel, Prods, iii. 103. D'Aulon, Prods, iii. 209. Morosini, iii. 47, 48, note I : 
the sense is obscure. Letter from Bruges of May 10 (?), 1429. Ayroles, La Vraie 
Jeanne a* Arc, iii. 576. Morosini, iii. 97, note 2. 


J. B. Estrade was present, in February-March 1858, on several 
occasions when Bernadette Soubirous was in ecstasy at the Grotto 
of Lourdes, in view of the apparition, visible only to her, of the 
lady who described herself as "The Immaculate Conception." In 
1888, M. Estrade met the Archbishop of Reims, who said, " It seems 
that you were one of the favoured witnesses of the apparitions of 
the Grotto ? " " Yes, Monseigneur, unworthy as I am, the Virgin 
accorded me that grace." x 

The Archbishop and M. Estrade both, quite without reference 
to the Maid, spoke of apparitions witnessed by M. Estrade, when, 
in fact, he saw none ; he only saw Bernadette seeing them. 

Jeanne employed the same form of speech. The King had 
many revelations from her about the appearances to her, and 
perhaps saw her when she was seeing them. 

Jeanne went farther, " her King and several others heard and 
saw the Voice coming to her; Charles de Bourbon was present, 
and two or three others." 2 

There are points which seem to indicate that, with the per- 
mission of the King, she revealed to some of his courtiers the 
message of the Voices touching his doubts about his legitimacy, 
under oaths of secrecy. 

On February 27, she said, " I have revelations concerning the 
King which I will not tell to you." 

" Does the Voice forbid ? " 

" I have not taken counsel. Give me a delay of fifteen days 
and I will answer you. ... I am more afraid of displeasing these 
Voices than of answering you." 3 

She had once, at a single interview, told her King what had 
been revealed to her. 4 

" Was there an angel above the head of your King when first 
you saw him ? " " By our Lady, I do not know, I saw none." 
The judges seem to have heard a legend that she recognised the 
King in the crowd of men by the vision of an angel hovering 

1 Les Apparitions de Lourdes, p. 9, 1906. 3 Prods, vol. i. pp. 56, 57. 

3 Ibid., vol. i. p. 63. Earlier, Procis, vol. i. p. 56. * Ibid., vol. i. p. 73. 


above him. "The King had a good token for believing in me, 
et per clerum " (he had the assent of the Doctors). What revela- 
tions the King had, she " would not tell in that year," but a token 
he had de factis suis, " about his own doings," before he trusted 
her. 1 If I do not mistranslate de factis suzs, Jeanne here told 
the full truth, except that she kept back the nature of the facta 
the King's secret prayer. 

On March i, she was asked what sign she gave to her King 
" I have always answered that you shall not hear that from my 
mouth." " Do you not know what the sign was ? " " You shall 
not know it from me. I promised in such a place that I cannot 
tell you without perjuring myself. I promised this to Saint 
Catherine and Saint Margaret, without their asking my promise. 
I did it because too many people would have sought an answer 
from me, if I had not promised these Saints." 

" Was any one else present when you showed the sign to your 
King besides himself? " " I think no one else was present there, 
although many people were near." 

This refers to the first interview at Chinon. 

" Did you see a crown on the head of your King, when you 
showed him the sign ? " " I cannot tell you that without 

They seem to have heard or guessed, that she recognised the 
King, either by an angel above, or by a visionary crown on his 
head. It is they who here introduce both crown and angel. 

They then asked about the crown used at Reims, and, as we 
have already shown (in the chapter on the Coronation), she said 
that a crown found at Reims was used, but that the King could 
have had one much richer, had he waited. This crown was 
brought to him later. 2 She appears to have referred, as we saw, 
to an actual crown, which arrived too late for the ceremony 
(see pp. 1 81-183). If this crown were that of St. Louis at Liege, 
or another of the same fashion, it was circled about with figures 
of angels wrought in silver. 

1 Prods, vol. i. p. 75* " ibid., vol. i. pp. 90, 91. 


On March 10, being asked, " What was the sign that came to 
your King ? " She answered, " It is fair and honourable, and 
trusty, and the richest in the world." 1 

In the opinion of Quicherat, as has been said, which I share, 
she thenceforth developed her replies on the lines suggested by 
the interrogations. The judges had brought in the story about a 
crown or an angel above the King's head. The real sign was her 
remark as to the King's secret prayer, his secret doubts of his 
own legitimacy, and his right to involve the country in war for the 
sake of the crown. In her answers the Maid henceforth spoke of 
her revelation to him of his right to the crown, in the terms of her 
presentation to him of an actual crown, with the further concep- 
tions of the imperishable symbolic crown, " no goldsmith on 
earth could fashion it," of righteous rule, and of herself as the 
angel who brought the crown. As we have seen the Archbishop 
of Embrun had spoken of her as an angel. 2 The allegory is plain, 
if the judges did not understand its general drift, they must have 
been very obtuse. 

Asked why she would not show the sign, as she herself had 
wished to see the vision claimed by Catherine of Rochelle, she said 
that she would have been content had Catherine's sign been shown 
as hers was, before the Archbishop of Reims, and other prelates ; 
Charles de Bourbon, La Tr^moi'lle, d'Alenc^on, and other knights, 
who saw and heard it as distinctly as she saw her judges. 

Asked if the sign still existed, she said, " It will last a thousand 
years," and — returning to the actual crown of France — " it is in the 
King's treasury." " Is it gold or silver, precious stone, or a crown ? " 
She refused to reply. 

Her Voices at Domremy had told her " to go boldly before the 
King, he will have a good token to persuade him to believe in and 
accept you." 3 

" An Angel from God and from no other gave the sign to the 
King, and the learned men ceased to argue over me when they 
had knowledge of that token." 

1 Proces, vol. i. p. 1 19. 2 Ibid., vol. iii. p. 409. s Ibid., vol. i. p. 120. 


M. France writes that " she seems to forget that the interview 
at Chinon came before the examination at Poitiers, while 
Pasquerel, who had the facts from her, makes the same error 
in his deposition." 1 Jeanne's reply is clear ; it is true that the 
clerks began to trouble her after her words to the King, but 
then they ceased to trouble after they were told what her words 
had been. 

Jeanne said that the King expressed his content with the sign 
that she withdrew into a little chapel, and " heard say " that after 
she departed more than three hundred persons saw the sign. It is 
highly improbable that so many were admitted to the knowledge 
of the secret. Asked if she and her King did reverence to the 
angel, she replied, " I did, and knelt and took off my cap " — 
probably in prayer in the chapel. 2 

The judges must now have been sufficiently puzzled, or must 
have seen that she would only amuse them with a story. 

On March 12, they got no more from her, but persevered on 
March 13. "I promise that I will speak of it no more to any 
man," she said, and after this warning, averred that the angel 
promised to the King his realm by aid of God and herself, and not 

1 France, vol. ii. p. 301, note I. 

M. France has misread the passage, I think, for Pasquerel speaks of Jeanne's 
reply to the King, " I tell thee from my Master, that thou art true heir of France, and son 
of the King," as coming after many inquiries made by the King, not by the clergy at 
Poitiers. At her first interview with him, the King, says Pasquerel, then said to those 
standing by that " Jeanne had told him certain secrets which none knew or could know 
but God only." {Prods, vol. iii. p. 103, note I.) 

D'Alencon was not present at this interview, and Jeanne meant that he and the 
others, with the Archbishop and several other Bishops, were present, at the end of the 
second inquiry at Poitiers, and were informed of what the real sign had been. After 
this the clerks ceased to argue with her. 

While the King lived, the real nature of the secret could not be revealed to the world, 
but Jeanne's insistence that she told much to the clerks at Poitiers, which they certainly 
never revealed, suggests that, at the time, oaths of secrecy were scrupulously kept. The 
theory that the secret was twice revealed, once to the King, later to his Council and some 
Churchmen, seems more probable than that Jeanne forgot the order of events and placed 
her first interview with Charles after the inquiries at Poitiers ; forgot the facts so early 
that she misinformed Pasquerel. But Pasquerel merely refers, later, to the Poitiers 
interrogations, and to the delays caused by tantis interrogationibus, "by so great 

2 Prods, vol. i. p. 122. 


otherwise. " Did the angel put the crown on the King's head ? " 
"It was given to an Archbishop, him of Reims, in the presence of 
the King, and the Archbishop took it and gave it to the King, in 
my presence, and it is in the King's treasury." 

This merely means the Coronation at Reims. 

Asked when the crown was brought ? she returned to the scene 
at Chinon ; it was late in the evening, in March or April. 

" The crown is of fine gold, . . . and signifies that the King 
shall hold the kingdom of France." 

" Did you handle or kiss it ? " 

" No ! " 

Asked how the angel came, she answered that he came in by 
the doorway, bowed down before the King, and spoke the words of 
the sign which she had already given, namely, that the King 
should be crowned by her aid, and hold the realm. Here the 
allegory is thin indeed — any one could see that no "angel" but 
herself did reverence to a mortal King by bowing down before 
him ! 

Then she went far towards revealing the truth of the sign and 

" The angel put the King in memory of his fair patience in the 
great troubles that had come upon him!' It was in the stress of 
these troubles that Charles made the prayer of patience reported 
by Pierre de Sala on the authority of de Boisy, who was informed 
by the King : 

" Saying within his heart, without word spoken, that, if so it 
were that he was the true heir, born of the noble House of France, 
and the kingdom justly his own, God might be pleased to guard 
and defend him, or at least give him grace to avoid death or 
prison, and escape to Spain or Scotland, ancient brothers in arms 
and allies of the Kings of France." l 

Such was " his fair patience " of which the angel, that is Jeanne 
herself, had actually spoken to her King. Before her judges, she 
came perilously near to telling the secret. 

1 Sala, Prods, vol. iv. p. 280. 



She then threw in descriptions of an angelic company with the 
angel, and an account of her regret at the departure of the angel ; 
conceivably she had one of her visions : perhaps she merely accom- 
modated them to the occasion. 1 *• 

As to the crown ; being asked where the angel obtained it, she 
deviated into open allegory. " There was no goldsmith in the 
world who could make it so rich and fair ... it is of right good 
fragrance, and will so remain, if it be kept well, as it should be." 
That is, the crown is not made with hands, and will endure while 
Kings of France rule righteously. M. France maintains that she 
had forgotten all the " coaching " about righteous rule under God 
given to her by the piously fraudulent priests. 2 She had not 
forgotten any of her ideas, as we see. 

Finally, on the day of her Martyrdom, if we accept the informal 
document which the clerks refused to sign, Jeanne confessed that 
the story of the crown " was a fiction, and that she was the angel." 3 
That was sufficiently obvious, but the dull judges appear to have 
been mystified. The confession proves that Jeanne did know facts 
from fancies. 

They did not get the King's secret, though Jeanne hovered on 
the verge of it. 

Nowhere is there extant a hint of a rumour about a material 
crown or any material object connected with a secret about such an 
object, except in the Italian news letter of July 1429. 4 

In replying to her judges, Jeanne said nothing about a crown, 
real or symbolical, till they themselves introduced the questions 
at the fifth day of her examination (March 1, 143 1), " Did you see 
a crown on your King's head, when you showed him the sign ? 
Had he a crown when he was at Reims ? " 5 

Throughout the inquiry, she showed her appreciation of the 
truth of the case. She was asked if she would refer her story of 
the crown to Charles de Bourbon, La Tr6moille, La Hire, and de 

1 Prods, vol. i. pp. 140-144. 
3 Prods, vol. i. pp. 4 8o > 4 8x ' 
* Prods, vol, i. p. 91. 

2 France, vol. ii. pp. 263, 264. 
4 Morosini, vol. iii. pp. 161-163. 



Boussac, of whom, or of some of whom, she had spoken as witnesses. 
They would write their evidence under their seals. She answered, 
" Give me a messenger, and I will write to them all about this 
trial." If this be not permitted, she will not refer to them. 
" Bring them here, and then I will answer." 

4< Will you refer to and submit to the Church of Poitiers ? " 
" Do you think to catch me thus and betray me to you ? " Neither 
clerics nor courtiers, as she knew, could swear to the presence of 
crown or angel. 1 

From beginning to end, her mind was perfectly clear, undimmed 
by dreams. There were no l rives incertains d'une enfant" 2 She 
had from the first warned her judges that in certain points she 
would not tell all the truth ; she did tell more than was quite safe. 

The Male Costume 

The wearing of man's dress was a point of the first magnitude 
in the minds of the judges. " The dress is nothing ; is a trifle," she 
said, with her robust common sense. 3 On February 27, she was 
asked by whose advice she wore male attire ? " She several times 
refused to answer, said at last that she burdened no man with this, 
and several times varied in her answers," which are not textually 
reported. 4 On February 24, she said that she dressed as she did 
by the counsel of no mortal man, and that she did nothing but by 
command of God and the Angels. 5 

We have already seen (p. 77) the evidence of Jean de 
Novelonpont on this matter. He asked her if she would ride to 
Chinon in his clothes, and she replied that she would willingly ride 
in man's dress. 6 If he first made the suggestion, she certainly 
would not burden him with it ; she was loyal to the most minute 
point of honour, and we must presume that her Voices sanctioned 
her attire. But there is, as we saw (pp. j6, jy), proof that she had 

1 Prods, vol. i. pp. 396, 397. 
3 Prods, vol. i. p. 74. 
Ibid., vol. i. p. 74. 

2 France, vol. ii. pp. 305, 306. 

4 Ibid., vol. i. p. 54. 

6 Ibid., vol. ii. pp. 436, 437. 


thought of walking to France, and actually did set out, in man's 
attire, before she had any hope of getting a horse and an escort. 
Her kinsman, Lassart or Lassois, deponed thus, " When the Maid 
saw that Robert de Baudricourt would not have her taken to the 
Dauphin, she borrowed clothes from him, the witness, and said 
that she wished to depart, and he took her to St. Nicholas," 
whence, says Katherine Royer, " they returned to Vaucouleurs, 
because, as she heard, Jeanne herself said that she could 
not honourably depart thus " : that is, on foot. The St. Nicholas 
spoken of cannot be that which Jeanne actually visited, when 
at Nancy, for that is in the opposite direction from the road to 
France. 1 

Thus the idea of wearing male dress was prior to the hopes 
held out by Jean de Novelonpont. On later occasions 2 she 
remained firm in her resolution to wear her male costume. It was not 
only the sign that she had not abandoned her mission, but, among 
soldiers alone with her in her cell, as among soldiers in war, the 
costume was the protection of her modesty. The doctors of her 
party had approved of it, while, as she said, it was otherwise a trifle 
of no importance. 

Question of Confession 

As to her Visions and Voices, the Maid frankly admitted that 
she had not revealed these experiences to her cure* or to any 
Churchman. 3 Her motive for this silence was no command of her 
Voices, but fear that the facts would come to be known, and that 
the Burgundians or her father would prevent her from setting forth 
to France. 

In 1428-29 her neighbours knew of her intention ; they did not 
know that she believed herself to be advised by the Saints whom 
she saw and heard. 

Her abstinence from revealing her Visions and Voices to priests 

1 Prods, vol. ii. p. 444 and note 1, p. 447. 2 Ibid., vol. i. pp. 133, 165, 166. 

3 Ibid,, vol. i. p. 128. 


was one of the main charges on which she was condemned. " You 
accepted their instructions at once without consulting your cure or 
any other ecclesiastic. And yet you believe in them and that they 
are of God as firmly as you believe in the Christian faith, and in 
the Passion of our Lord." 1 Apparently the mere failure to men- 
tion the experiences in confession was no great sin ; the sin was 
the acceptance of the Voices and of their counsel, before they had 
been passed as orthodox by a priest. Yet they were later confided 
to the clerks at Poitiers, and were passed as orthodox by the Arch- 
bishop of Embrun and by Gerson. 

Jeanne might have had to wait long enough had she gone about 
consulting confessors. St. Theresa told no one, or at least for long 
concealed her first vision of our Lord. 2 But it must be admitted 
that she took no action on the vision, did not make it the ground 
of apparently impossible military enterprises. When her visions 
became more frequent, one confessor advised St. Theresa to say 
nothing about them to anybody. St. Theresa was much pleased 
with the advice. But our Lord Himself told her that the confessor 
was mistaken ; at confession she must always tell all about her 
visions. 3 

These are subjects on which it is obvious that much variety of 
clerical opinion prevails, and Jeanne might have wasted her time 
among the disputes of directors. But she took the matter into 
her own hands, and, from the age of thirteen, kept her own 

The writings of St. Theresa concerning her own visions, her 
remarks about seeing them "with the eyes of the spirit," and in 
a state " almost of ravishment," so that she sat down to keep her 
hold on herself (sometimes she was lifted up bodily from the earth), 
do not make the same impression on the mind as the Maid's report 
of her own Visions. Those of St. Theresa seem less " external " 
and less substantial. 4 Yet she had control enough when, on her 

1 Prods, vol. i. p. 436. 

a CEuvres de Sainte Thirhe, vol. i. p. 62. Paris, 1880. 

3 Ibid., vol. i. pp. 271, 273, 280, 281. 4 /did., vol. i. pp. 391, 39 2 - 


confessor's orders, she made the sign of the Cross (as Jeanne also 
did), and a contemptuous gesture against the most sacred appear- 
ance. " When the sacred appearance was present, men might have 
torn me to pieces without compelling me to believe that it was the 
demon," 1 says St. Theresa. 

Jeanne was equally hard to be convinced by her accusers and 
judges that her Visions were other than holy. 

1 CEuvres de Sainte Thirhe, vol. i. pp. 315, 316. 



ABOUT the visions and Voices we learn nothing when we are 
told that they " were an illusion of her heart." That phrase adds 
nothing to knowledge. 1 

On this topic I had written a long chapter, but came to 
recognise that my psychical lore and my inferences might seem 
as prolix and futile as the "celestial science" of the Doctors in 
Jeanne's own day. Nobody now asserts that her psychical 
experiences were feigned by her ; nobody denies that she had 
the experiences ; nobody ascribes them, like the learned of Paris 
University, to " Satan, Belial, and Behemoth." 

The most recent scientific utterance on the psychology of 
Jeanne dArc is that of Dr. Georges Dumas, Professor in the 
Sorbonne, an eminent neuropathologist. Practically, and in the 
right scientific spirit, Dr. Dumas shrinks from the task of "a 
posthumous diagnosis." If the visions and Voices always 
appeared at one side (which, we have seen was not the case, the 
light was often all round), then Charcot would have regarded 
Jeanne as hysterical, and subject to " unilateral hallucinations." 
But it is not known that she was hysterical, or suffered from 
hdmianesttesie (absence of sensation on one side). 

Moreover, " contemporary neurologists attach less importance 
than Charcot did to unilateral hallucinations in the diagnosis of 

DAulon repeated in 1456 the remarks of some women, who 
did not know/ by observation, that the Maid was subject to the 

1 France, vol. i. p. Ixv. 


periodical infirmity of her sex. 1 If she was not, she had " an 
insufficient physical development found among many nervous 
patients." But Quicherat regarded the evidence as valueless : 
and shows that there is just as good testimony to prove that 
Jeanne was exempt from other necessities of nature. 2 She had 
" un art merveilleux et en mime temps une force inouie de pudeur" 
Thus there is no proof of inadequate physical development in a 
girl of unexampled physical strength and endurance. 

Her visions and Voices, says Dr. Dumas, arose in her "un- 
conscious thought" (pensee obscure), and were often at variance 
with her "conscious thought" (pensie claire). Her experiences 
seemed objective, certain, and this "makes us think again of 
hysteria." But it is needless to say that hallucinations occurring 
once or twice in a lifetime, are by no means uncommon in the 
experiences of people perfectly free from hysteria. 3 

These hallucinations, I can aver from three experiences, are 
not to be distinguished, except by later evidence, — say, to the 
actual absence of the person apparently seen, — from normal 

Dr. Dumas ends : " If hysteria had any part in Jeanne, it was 
only by way of permitting her unconscious thought ('les senti- 
ments les plus secrets de son cceur ') to become objective in the 
form of heavenly Voices and visions ; it was only the open gate 
by which the divine — or what she conceived to be the divine — 
entered into her life, fortified her faith, and consecrated her 
mission. But as regards her intelligence, and her will, Jeanne 
remained sane and upright. Nervous pathology can scarcely 
throw a feeble glimmer of light on a part of this soul . . ." 4 

In these conclusions I entirely agree with Dr. Dumas. He 
has been unable to discover evidence for nervous disturbances in 
Jeanne (at least he only states the hypothesis of hysteria as 
conditional), and he admits the chief point, that her normal will, 

1 Proces, vol. iii. p. 219. 
Apercus Nouveatcx, pp. 59, 60. Beaucroix, in Prods, vol. iii. p. 118. 

3 William James, Principles of Psychology, vol. ii. pp. 114-131. 

4 Dumas in Anatole France, vol. ii. pp. 459-465. 



and her normal intelligence, were thoroughly sane and straight. 
Her visions and Voices were (in modern phrase) " automatisms," 
expressions by which were made manifest to her the monitions 
of her unconscious thought. Any one interested in this obscure 
problem may study a modern case, that of Helene Smith, as 
observed by Professor Flournoy of Geneva, in his book, Des Indes 
a la Planete Mars. Helene saw no Saints, but an imaginary 
"control" named Leopold, who gave her advice, usually good, 
though conveyed in an eccentric way. She believed in the 
objective existence of Leopold. She exhibited "dissociation" — 
was more or less distraught and unconscious of her actual 
surroundings — when Leopold appeared; differing on this point 
from Jeanne dArc. Her experiences followed on trances 
into which she fell at spiritualistic stances, not attended by 
Jeanne ! 


But what do we mean by " unconscious thinking " ? To answer 
this question appears to me, for the present, to be beyond the 
power of psychological science. We may, if we choose, study the 
treatise of Mr. F. W. H. Myers, Human Personality, and make 
what we can of his theory of the " Subliminal Self." With Mr. 
Myers it is, in certain of its aspects, all-conscious mind, in itself 
free from conditions of space and time ; and with that Self the 
human agent is occasionally in touch more or less imperfect. 
The results are among others, moments of " telepathy," " precogni- 
tion," and " clairvoyance." 

Of these faculties, in Jeanne's case, Quicherat, a free-thinker, 
chose three examples : her knowledge of the King's secret ; her 
foreknowledge of the arrow wound, not mortal, at Orleans ; her 
discovery of the buried sword at Fierbois. These, he says, " rest 
on bases of evidence so solid, that we cannot reject them without 
rejecting the very foundation of the history." l "I have no 
conclusion to draw," he says. " Whether science can find her 
account in the facts or not, the visions must be admitted, and 
the strange spiritual perceptions that issued from the visions 

1 A permits Nouveaux, pp. 61-66. 


These peculiarities in the life of Jeanne seem to pass beyond the 
circle of human power." x 

At this point Mr. Myers takes up the subject, produces an 
immense mass of modern (evidence to prove that such faculties 
are within the circle of/ human powers, and presents, what 
Quicherat does not offer, a theory of their origin in the " Subliminal 
Self." In his first volume Mr. Myers regards Jeanne's monitions as 
arising from her " unaided " subliminal self. In his second volume 
he classes her as an ecstatic, and, in his definition of ecstasy, 
admits the intervention of extraneous spirits. Here he is at one 
with Chanoine Dunand, in his vast volume, Les Voir et les Visions 
de Jeanne d'Arc. Mr. Myers, unhappily, did not live to give the 
final revision to his Human Personality, and was not minutely 
familiar with the history of the Maid. 

Here, then, I leave the matter, not from lack of interest in it, 
but because to discuss it is impossible in an historical treatise. 
My own bias is obvious enough. I incline to think that in a sense 
not easily defined, Jeanne was "inspired," and I am convinced 
that she was a person of the highest genius, of the noblest 
character. Without her genius and her character, her glimpses 
of hidden things (supposing them to have occurred) would have 
been of no avail in the great task of redeeming France. Another 
might have heard Voices offering the monitions; but no other 
could have displayed her dauntless courage and gift of encourage- 
ment ; her sweetness of soul ; and her marvellous and victorious 
tenacity of will. 

1 Aperfus Nouveaux, p. 46. 



19, line 7. 


19, line 10. 


19, line 12. 


19, line 23. 


20, line 7. 


21, line 30. 


22, line 26. 


25, line 23. 


27, line 2. 


27, line 23. 


27, line 34. 


28, line 4. 

P. 18, line 20. The best modern analysis of the evidence is that by M. G. du Fresne de 

Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, vol. i. pp. 166-183. M. de 
Beaucourt thinks that "History has turned Burgundian ; " that 
there was no premeditation of crime ; that the Dauphin was borne 
off the scene when it became menacing. 

Vallet de Viriville, Histoire de Charles VII, vol. i. passim. 

Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d 'Arc ; vol. i. p. 195. 

Proces, vol. iv. p. 298. 

De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles vn, vol. i. pp. 241-246. 

Rymer, Fcedera, vol. x. p. 385. 1710. 

See the " band " in Vallet de Viriville, Histoire de Charles VII, vol. i. 
pp. 438-440, note. 

De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, vol. ii. p. 142. 

Hinzelin, Chez Jeanne d" Arc. Paris, 1904. 

Simeon Luce, La France pendant le Guerre de Cent Ans, vol. i. p. 274. 

Procfc, vol. i. p. 66. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 132. 

Proces, vol. i. p. 129 and p. 219, whereby a blunder of the Accuser she 
is said to have disobeyed in the matter of her marriage. 
P. 28, line 7. Proces, Index, cf. " D'Arc, Pierre." 

P. 28, lines 14-16. While, at her Trial (in 1431), she declined to express absolute 

certainty about her age, Jeanne said that she thought herself 
thirteen when the Voices began ; in 1431 seven years had elapsed 
since her Voices and visions began. (See Proce's, i. 52, 65, 73, 
128, 215, 216, 218.) According to a letter of Alain Chartier (?), 
of July 1429, her visions began when she had just reached her 
twelfth year {Proces, v. 132). According to a letter of Perceval 
de Boulainvilliers (June 21, 1429), she had completed her twelfth 
year when her visions commenced (Proces, v. 116). As in 1430- 
143 1 her unusual experiences had lasted for seven years, if they 
began when she was twelve or thirteen, she was born in 
1410-1412, and at her death was aged between nineteen and 
twenty-one. Cf. Lefevre-Pontalis in Chronique cT Antonio Morosini, 
vol. iii. p. 41, note 2. 

Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne cC Arc, vol. i. p. 542. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 66. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 46. 

Proces, vol. ii. p. 457. 

Prods, vol. iii. pp. 339-340. 



29, line 21. 


30, line 19. 


31, line 11. 


32, line 5. 


33» Kne 13. 

332 NOTES 

P. 33, line 23. Prods, vol. iii. p. 83. 

P. 33, line 27. On the whole range of these prophecies, and on the French mediaeval 

blending of the heathen Celtic seer Merlin with the Christian 
English historian Bede, see M. Lefevre-Pontalis, in Appendix ix. 
to Chronique d Antonio Morosini, vol. iv. pp. 316-327, with 
Michel and Wright, Vie de Merlin attribute a Geoffroy de Mon- 
mouth, 1837. Geoffroy's two tracts on the subject are " Merlini 
Prophetia"and "Merlini Prophetiae Continuatio, " with his "Historia 
Britonum." These are works of the twelfth century. As trans- 
lated by Mr. Sebastian Evans, the Merlin prophecy runs thus : 
" A damsel shall be sent forth from the City of Canute's Forest to 
work healing by leach-craft," with much prophetic verbiage referring 
to Caledon, London, and anywhere but France. Cf. Evans, 
Geoffrey of Monmouth Translated, p. 179. I do not see what 
Nemus Canutum has to do with Canute. CamUum means "grey," 
"hoary," "old." Nemus Canutum {Bois Chenu) is "the ancient 
wood " ; Bois Chesnu is ' ' the oak wood. " 

P. 34, line 1. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne a" Arc , vol. i. p. 207. 

P. 34, line 9. Prods, vol. v. p. 116. 

P. 34, line 16. Journal oV tin Bourgeois de Paris, ed. by A. Tuetey, p. 237. 

P. 34, line 33. Prods, vol. ii. p. 434. 

P. 35, line 8. Prods, vol. i. pp. 67, 68, 212. 

P. 35, line 13. Prods, vol. i. p. 68. 

P. 35, line 30. Prods, vol. ii. p. 391. 

P. 35, line 33. Prods, vol. ii. p. 404. 

P. 35, line 34. A historian of 1908 writes : " Some of the villagers believed that 

Christians went to walk with the fairies, and that Tuesday was the 
day for these rendezvous." But as the authority cited for this belief 
is not to be found in the passage cited, it may be a misreference 
(Anatole France, vol. i. p. 15, citing Prods, vol. ii. p. 450, which 
contains nothing of the sort). 

P. 36, line 14. Prods, vol. ii. p. 422. 

P. 37, line 4. Prods, vol. ii. pp. 385, 386. 

P. 37, line II. Prods, vol. ii. p. 389. 

P. 37, line 16. Prods, vol. ii. p. 396. 

P. 37, line 17. Prods, vol, ii. p. 398. 

P. 37, line 18. Prods, vol. ii. p. 402. 

P. 37, line 21. Prods, vol. ii. p. 413. 

P. 37, line 22. Prods, vol. ii. p. 419. 

P. 37, line 24. Prods, vol. ii. p. 420. 

P. 37, line 26. Prods, vol. ii. p. 424. 

P. 37, line 27. Prods, vol. ii. p. 427. 

P. 37, line 32. Prod's, vol. ii. p. 453. 

P. 38, line 1. Prods, vol. i. p. 209. 

P. 38, line 23. As M. Anatole France correctly writes, "she revealed none of these 

things to her Cure", in which she was much to be blamed according 
to good theologians, but quite irreproachable according to other 
excellent doctors " (A. France, vol. i. p. 50). 

P. 41, line 11. Prods, vol. v. p. 117. 

P. 41, line 20. Prods, vol. i. p. 128. 


41 = 

line 25. 



line 4. 



line 14. 



line 19. 



line 19. 



line 21. 



line 23. 



line 26. 



line 7. 



line 24. 



line 33. 



line 13. 



line 1. 



line 19. 



line 21. 



line 29. 



, line 32. 



, line 33. 



, line 33. 




62, 48] 






72, 73. 




P- ' 

i. p 

. 89 

; cf. 


i. pp 

NOTES 333 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 50, 51. 

Troilus and Cressida, Act ill., Scene 2. 

Process, vol. i. p. 480. 

Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. pp. xxxii-xxxiii, 
xxxviii-xxxix. Paris, 1908. Cf. pp. xxii-xxiii. 

Proccs, vol. i. p. 128. 

Process, vol. i. pp. 52, 216. 

This reading, in Prods, i. 216, is correct; that in Prods, i. 52, is 

On the psychology of these experiences see Appendix D. 

Proces, vol. i. p. 1 28. 

Prods, vol. ii. pp. 437-438. Cf. France, vol. i. pp. 53-54. 

Prods, vol. 

Prods, vol. 

Prods, vol. 

Prods, vol. 

Prods, vol. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 89; cf. vol. i. pp. 72-73; France, vol. i. p. 35, 
note 4. 

Prods, vol. ii. p. 433. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 86. 

"She passed for being rather crazy," says M. Anatole France ( Vie 
de Jeanne d 'Arc, i. 56), but cites no evidence for the statement. 
"She suffered from the mockery which pursued her." For this 
a reference is given to Colin's evidence {Proces, vol. ii. p. 432). 
On p. 433 Colin says that he and others derided her. "The 
mother of Nicolas, godson of Jeanne, made rustic mockery of a 
girl who danced so seldom." The evidence does not say so 
{Proems, vol. ii. p. 427, not p. 426). 
P. 46, line 9. Prods, vol. i. p. 53. Mr. F. C. Lowell, in his Joan of Arc, p. 39, note 

2, maintains that the Maid went only once to Vaucouleurs, and thinks 
that the date given for the visit of May 1428 (Prods, ii. 456), "the 
Ascension," must mean the Circumcision (Jan. I, 1429), or Nativity, 
or Baptism of our Lord. I adhere to the text of the MS. Bertrand 
de Poulengy, our authority for the date May 28, makes the Maid 
silent as to the siege of Orleans, which she could not be, in January 
and February 1429. She also tells her Dauphin, in May 1428, not to 
offer battle to his enemies. Now, in January-February 1429, she 
was insisting that he must fight to rescue Orleans. These argu- 
ments seem conclusive against Mr. Lowell's theory. 
P. 46, line 28. Plotinus, Enneades vi, 9, 11. Cf. The Confessions of St. Augustine, 

Gibb and Montgomery, pp. xlv-xlvi. Cambridge, 1908. 

Pasquerel, Prods, vol. iii. p. 108. 

Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. p. iii. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 96. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 457. 

Prods, vol. ii. pp. 387-461. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 66, 215. 

Simeon Luce, Jeanne d'Arc a Domremy, p. lxiv and pp. 30 1-305 ; 
Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne cC Arc, vol. i. p. 23. 



line 6. 



line 18. 



line 27. 



line 34. 



line 34. 



line 12. 



line 23. 

334 NOTES 

P. 51, line 34. Simeon Luce, Jeanne d'Arc a Domremy, p. 88 (note to 87). The 

documents about the kinsfolk of Jeanne at Sermaize (de Bouteiller 
and de Braux, Nouvelles Recherches sur la Famille de Jeanne 
d'Arc) are regarded with suspicion, and I have abstained from 
quoting them. 

P. 5 2 > line 29. Simeon Luce, Jeanne d'Arc a Domremy, pp. 97-100. On pp. cliv-clvi 

M. Luce gives the facts of the contract of October 7, 1423. The 
heads of houses are to pay yearly two gros (a gros being the 
twenty-fifth part of a livre) to the Damoiseau for protection. M. 
Luce says the total was not less than 220 gold crowns. He adds 
that at Martinmas (November 11, 1423) "the wretched villagers 
could not pay," and got two rich men to be their securities. The 
Damoiseau, furious at unpunctual payment, impounded the goods 
and chattels of one of the guarantees, Guy de Poignant, but, on 
December 8, was paid by the villagers, and gave them the receipt. 

All this is on the faith of a document of March 31, 1427, 
when Guy de Poignant was trying to recover his losses from the 
people for whom he had been surety (cf. Luce, pp. 359-362). 
But in this document the Seigneur of Do??iremy and Greux is 
made a party to the case, as well as his villagers. Now the 
Seigneur, Henri d'Ogiviller, a Knight, was not a party to the debt 
for protection acknowledged by the villagers on October 7, 1423. 
M. Luce says that the 220 gold crowns "doubtless came from 
the tax of two gros for each hearth levied by the Damoiseau of 
Commercy on October 27, 1423 " (op. cit. p. 359, note 2). But 
it is arithmetically impossible that a tax of two gros on each of 
eighty households should yield 220 gold crowns ! Moreover, as 
we saw, the Seigneur now appears as one of the debtors and 
dependants in the suit brought by Guy de Poignant. Thus the 
220 gold crowns owed by the Seigneur and his tenants cannot be 
the miserable 160 gros, at most, which the tenants, on October 7, 
1423, promised to pay. The large sum in gold crowns may perhaps 
have been promised by Seigneur and tenants as the price of a 
local treaty of peace, secured by the Damoiseau between the 
Seigneur and people of the two villages on one side, and England 
and Burgundy on the other. The Damoiseau had a foot in both 
hostile camps, as La Tremoille notoriously had. Thus, on May II, 
1428, the churchmen of Craon paid 800 gold crowns, the gentry 
1200, the manants and others not noble paid 5000 (?) to La 
Tremoille, "to have security against France and England" {Les 
La Trhnoille, vol. i. pp. 172, 173). M. France (i. 29) follows 
M. Luce, estimating the total of the gros at 220 gold crowns, and 
giving a reference to " Luce, preuve li.," a document which says 
nothing about these coins (cf. France, vol. i. p. 66). For the 
varying values, and the purchasing power of the gold crown, see 
Boucher de Molandon, Jacques d'Arc, p. 5, note 3. Orleans, 
1885. Twenty-five gros went to the livre, three or three and a 
half livres went to the gold crown ; therefore 220 gold crowns 
represent over 5000 gros, not a mere 160 gros. 
P. 53, line 9. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. p. 30. 

NOTES 335 

P. 53, line 18. Ayroles, La Vraie Jeanne d'Arc, vol. ii. pp. 430-431 ; Luce, Jeanne 

d Arc a Domremy, p. lxxx and preuves lxxv, p. 117. 

P. 53, line 22. Dunand, Histoire Complete de /eanne d'Arc, vol. i. (1898). 

P. 54, line 3. This Henri d'Orly, and this Barthelemy de Clefmont, made truces with 

Rene, Due de Bar, the former in July 25 and the latter in August 
1426. Part of Domremy was in the dominions of the Due de 
Bar, which d'Orly seems to have regarded as reason good for 
pillaging Domremy and Greux. But, in June 1425, the Comte 
de Vaudemont was also at war with the Due de Bar ; none the 
less he sent Barthelemy, with seven or eight men, to rescue 
the Domremy cattle. Simeon Luce, Jeanne d'Arc a Domre??iy, 

P- 275- 
P. 54, line 29. Simeon Luce, Jeanne d'Arc a Domremy, pp. Ixxxvii, lxxxviii, cxli, cxlii. 

Examples in silver gilt are in the Museum of the Scottish Antiquaries ; 
one was found at Pluscarden, in the cell of the Monk of Dunfermline, 
who asserts himself to have been a follower of the Maid. 

Process, vol. i. p. 51. 

Simeon Luce, Jeanne d'Arc a Domremy, cliv, clvi, 359, 362. 

Proces, vol. ii. p. 449. 

Process, vol. ii. p. 21. 

Process, vol. ii. p. 444. 

Process, vol. iii. p. 83. 

Cf. Ayroles, La Vraie Jeanne d' Arc {La Pucelle devant F Eglise de son 
temps), p. 495. 

Process, vol. ii. p. 442. 

Process, vol. ii. pp. 454-458. 

Cf. Viriville, Charles VII, vol. ii. p. 66, note 2. 

A. France, vol. i. p. 74 ; citing Proces, vol. ii. pp. 392-393, 458-459. 

Jo7trna/ du Siige d'OrUans, Prods, vol. iv. p. 118; Chronique de la 
Pucelle, Proems, vol iv. p. 205. 

Proch, vol. ii. p. 444. 

France, vol. i. pp. 76-77. ; citing Proch, vol. ii. p. 53 (but obviously 
meaning vol. i. p. 53) for what is not to be found therein. " Ipse 
autem Robertus bina vice recusavit et repulit earn, et in tertia vice 
ipsam recepit, et tradidit sibi homines ; et ita etiam dixerat {vox) 
sibi quod eveniret." We must not translate the words which mean 
"he gave her men " as " he gave her to his men." If he had done 
that, there would have been evidence for the "outrages of the 
garrison." It has been asserted that "she regarded the rebuffs of 
Baudricourt as proofs of the authenticity of her mission, imagining 
that her Voices had predicted them." Her normal common sense 
must have predicted them, but it is not so certain that she supposed 
her Voices to have done so. In her examination at Rouen, as 
reported in the official account of her Trial, she appears to blend 
her two visits to Vaucouleurs in a single narrative. She "stayed 
eight days with her uncle," Lassois. This appears to have been 
her first visit, in May 1428. She recognised Baudricourt, whom 
she had never previously seen, at first sight. "The Voice told 
me, That is the man. I told him that I must go into France." 
Apparently this was on her second visit, January 1429. "He 


56, line 12. 


56, line 32. 


58, line 24. 


59, line 15. 


60, line 6. 


60, line 13. 


60, line 23. 


60, line 24. 


60, line 32. 


61, line 5. 


61, line 29. 


61, line 33. 


62, line 9. 


62, line 12. 


62, line 17. 



twice refused and rebuffed me ; the third time he received me, 
and lent me men. The Voice said that it would happen" 
(Prods, i. 53). Did the Voice say that he would twice rebuff 
and then accept her, or merely that he would give her an escort ? 
From the evidence of Jean de Novelonpont, and of her own 
request that the Due de Lorraine would give her men, it 
appears that, in February 1429, she had despaired of help 
from Baudricourt (Prods, ii. 436 ; Anatole P'rance, Vie de 
Jeanne cPArc, i. 77). 
P. 62, line 21. Prods, vol. ii. p. 440. 
P. 62, line 24. Prods, vol. ii. p. 421. 
P. 62, line 27. Prods, vol. i. p. 68. 

P. 62, line 35. Simeon "Luce, Jeanne d Arc a Domremy, pp. clxvi-clxix. 
P. 63, line 17. The two passages are in the Prods, vol. i. ; the evidence of Jeanne is 

on pp. 127, 128; the slander of her accusers is on p. 215. 
M. Anatole France quotes for Jeanne's statement Prods, ii. 
476. There is no such page in the volume ! He adds, "What is 
strange, in the case of Jeanne, is that her parents declared her to 
be in the wrong, and took the side of the young man. She dis- 
obeyed their command when she sustained her cause, and appeared 
before the Official. She herself later declared that, in this affair, 
she disobeyed her parents, the only instance of disobedience on her 
part." For all this M. France cites Prods, vol. i. p. 128. Not 
a word of his story appears on that page. On p. 129 Jeanne 
says that she never disobeyed her parents except in leaving Dom- 
remy (cf. France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. p. 84). M. France 
insists that, in going from Neufchateau to Toul, Jeanne had to 
walk ten leagues thither, ten leagues back, "perhaps two or three 
times. And it was by luck if she did not march day and night 
with her false love (fiance"). . . . Her conduct, proceeding from a 
singular and heroic innocence, was ill regarded " (France, i. 85). 

Taking a league as equivalent to three miles, and supposing 
Jeanne to visit Toul thrice, and to walk thirty miles a day, she 
marched a hundred and eighty miles during the fortnight of her 
stay at Neufchateau. As M. France cites, in proof of her dis- 
obedience to her parents and their approval of the recalcitrant 
young man, texts which say nothing of these matters (Prods, i. 128, 
215), and for her version, Prods, ii. 476, which does not exist, there 
is clearly a misunderstanding. In Prods, i. 129, Jeanne says that 
she disobeyed her parents only once, namely, in setting out for 
France, as we saw ; and the legend about her disobedience to her 
parents has been, I think, adopted by historians, from Father 
Ayroles to M. France, from a casual blunder made by the framer 
of the charges against her in Prods, vol. i. p. 219, lines 12-16. 
The accuser, by an oversight, makes Jeanne say that she disobeyed 
her parents only once, in the matter of the marriage, whereas she 
says no word of that, but avers that her one disobedience was her 
departure to France (Prods, i. 129). As a result of the error, 
Jeanne's parents have been accused (not by M. France) of 
suborning the young man to perjure himself! 

NOTES $37 

P. 63, line 26. Five Domremy witnesses, called in 1450-1456 to testify about the visit 

to Neufchateau, dated the stay as lasting only "four days," "four 
or five days," or "three or four days" {Proces, vol. ii. pp. 392, 
411, 414, 417, 454). This is remarkable, for Jeanne, at her Trial, 
said that the visit lasted "for about a fortnight" {Proch, i. 5r, 
ii. 392, 411, 414, 417, 454). This is a curious discrepancy, for 
five witnesses were not likely to be much in error. Another 
notable fact is this : if the Domremy people fled to Neufchateau 
in fear of the forces of Antoine de Vergy, sent to reduce Vaucouleurs, 
their reasons for apprehension were ended in the space of four 
or five days. Antoine was at St. Urbain, a short march from 
Vaucouleurs, on July 17 ; by July 22 he had abandoned the idea 
of attacking the town (Luce, Jeanne c? Arc a Domremy, pp. 220, 
221, 222). Consequently Vaucouleurs was not "blockaded" at 
all ; unless a confessedly insufficient force can blockade a strong 
town in three days. But M. Simeon Luce says that "when 
blockading Vaucouleurs the men of Antoine de Vergy would take 
care to complete the blockade by burning and pillaging most of 
the villages depending on the Chatellenie of which they desired to 
reduce the chief place to the English allegiance." M. France 
says, " De Vergy laid all the villages of the territory in blood and 
fire" (Luce, clxxv. ; France, i. 80). 

These are very active men-at-arms ! They recognise formally 
their own inadequate numbers ; they do not appear before Vau- 
couleurs till July 18 ; on July 22 they write that they have 
abandoned their enterprise, yet they have not only blockaded 
Vaucouleurs but burned and pillaged most of the villages within 
a twelve-mile radius, including Domremy, at least twelve miles 
distant ! 

These results arose from M. Luce's tendency to exaggerate the 
perils of Domremy. Probably its people fled to Neufchateau 
about July 18, and returned home about July 23 (the "four or 
five days " of the witnesses) when Antoine de Vergy had with- 
drawn his men. It is not at all probable that de Vergy, with his 
small force, weakened it by sending a command to burn distant 
villages. We do not even know that it was during her stay at 
Neufchateau that Jeanne went to Toul about the young man's 
suit : the theory of the Judges was that she remained for long as 
a servant at an inn in Neufchateau, and thence went frequently to 
Toul, to force the reluctant young man to marry her ! 

As for M. France's idea that she kept trudging alone, or with 
her false lover, on foot to and from Toul, it is incredible. She had 
a brother to accompany her, and her father owned horses. 

P. 63, line 30. Prods, vol. ii. p. 396. 

P. 65, line 13. Michel, Les Ecossais en France, vol. i. pp. 152-153. 

P. 65, line 24. Bib. Cott. Titus E.v. f. 373. 

P. 66, line 28. Exchequer K.R. Accotmts {Army), Bundle 51/27. 

P. 67, line 6. Exchequer K.R. Accounts {Army), Bundle 52/1. 

P. 71, line 11. These details are all from the Journal du Sitge <? Orleans, in Process, 

vol. iv. pp. 96-113. 




P. 71, line 21. Book of Pluscarden, a very dubious authority (ed. F. J. H. Skene, 

vol. i. pp. 362, 363). 
P. 72, line 23. Prods, vol. ii. pp. 416, 431. 
P. 73, line 18. Prods, vol. ii. p. 448. 
P. 73, line 27. Prods, vol. ii. p. 443. 

P. 74, line 7. The following argument has been based on the incident, "Who taught 

the prophecy to Jeanne ? What peasant ? There is reason to 
believe that the peasants knew nothing about it," in proof of 
which is cited the passage wherein Katherine Royer says that she 
remembered having heard the saying before ! (Prods, ii. 447). 

Moreover, we are told that this was "*» special form of the 
prophecy, visibly arranged for Jeanne, since the Maid who should 
restore France is specifically said to come from the marches of 
Loraine. This topical addition cannot be the work of a plough- 
man, and reveals an intellect skilled in ruling souls and directing 
actions. Doubt is impossible, the prophecy, thus pointed and 
completed, is the work of a cleric, whose intentions are easily to be 
detected" (Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d* Arc, vol. i. pp. 51-54). 
The repartee is obvious. The prediction was not made for 
Jeanne; it was a current saying. It was not "unknown to the 
peasantry." Katherine Royer remembered having heard it before, 
in conversation. 
Prods, vol. ii. p. 446. 
Prods, vol. ii. pp. 460-461. 
Prods, vol. ii. p. 436. 
Prods, vol. ii. p. 436. 

De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, vol. ii. p. 396, note 5. 
Act. Pari. Scot., ii. pp. 26-28; De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles vn, 
vol. ii. p. 397, note 7. 
P. 75, line 32. De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles vn, vol. ii. p. 399, note 3 ; Lefevre- 

Pontalis, Chroniqtie d? Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. pp. 134-137. 
P. 76, line 13. Procte, vol. i. p. 120. 

P. 77, line 16. Prod's, vol. ii. pp. 437, 447. Jean de Novelonpont's words may be 

taken to mean that he and she left Vaucouleurs for Chinon on 
February 13, but the date accepted is February 23. Mr. Lowell 
prefers February 13 as the date of the start for Chinon {Joan of 
Arc, p. 46, note 5). 
Prods, vol. i. p. 54, ii. 391, 444. 
Prods, vol. iii. p. 87. 
Process, vol. ii. pp. 446, 447. 

Journal du Siege, Chronique de la Pucelle, Process, vol. iv. pp. 125, 206. 

The authorship of the Chronique is attributed to one or other of the 

Cousinots, who were men of importance in Orleans during the 

siege, the elder being chancellor of the Due d'Orleans. The 

Chronique de la Pucelle, however, was not compiled before 1467. 

P. 79, line 16. Prods, vol. i. p. 128. 

P. 79, line 20. According to Jean de Novelonpont, Jeanne only returned to Vaucouleurs 

from Nancy about February 13. He may be out of his reckoning 
by a day, or Jeanne may have told Baudricourt of her vision as soon as 
she arrived at Vaucouleurs, if we accept the story of her clairvoyance. 


























77, line 32. 


77, line 35. 


78, line 12. 


78, line 25, 


78, line 32 

NOTES 339 

P. 79, line 24. Prods, vol. ii. pp. 406, 432, 445, 447, 448, and vol. v. p. 260. 

P. 79, line 26. It has been suggested that Baudricourt, probably moved by Jean de 

Novelonpont and Bertrand de Poulengy, wrote to the Dauphin, 
asking leave to send Jeanne, and that Colet de Vienne, by 
February 23, had brought back a favourable answer. In that case, 
allowing for the rate of travelling, Baudricourt must have been 
won about the first week of February. If this view were correct, 
Jeanne would not have needed to write, on March 4 or 5, asking 
leave to approach the Dauphin, and the Dauphin would have 
known who she was and what she wanted. But, as we shall see, 
he knew nothing about her. M. France (i. 101, 102) adopts the 
view that Baudricourt wrote, and had Charles's favourable reply 
before February 23. 

P. 80, line 9. Simeon Luce, Jeanne tfArc a Domremy, pp. clxviii, 220-225. 

P. 80, line 21. Simeon Luce, Jeanne d'Arc ii Domremy, pp. clxix, 232, note 5. 

P. 80, line 26. The hypothetical scheme of dates fits together fairly well : thus, Jeanne 

arrives at Little Burey about January 10, 1429. She goes to the 
Royers at Vaucouleurs about February 1, staying there about the 
three weeks mentioned by Royer. She makes her start on a walk 
to Chinon and returns to Vaucouleurs. She speaks with Jean de 
Novelonpont, and receives his promise of aid, about February 6. 
Goes to Nancy and St. Nicholas, and returns about February 13. 
Then she speaks to Baudricourt of her vision of the disaster at 
Rouvray on February 12. Colet de Vienne, the king's messenger, 
arrives with news of that defeat about February 19-20. Baudri- 
court has Jeanne exorcised or tested as a witch by Fournier the 
cure", because she is proved to be in the right about the defeat at 
Rouvray, February 12. She is found to be no witch or dealer in 
divination. Jeanne leaves Vaucouleurs with an escort and rides 
towards Chinon on February 23. Of course the story of the vision 
about Rouvray is given in chronicles very late, about 1467, and is 
far from being matter of certain history. If true, it accounts for 
Baudricourt's resort to the test of exorcism. 

It is curious that while critical historians make Jeanne leave 
Vaucouleurs on February 13, and arrive at Chinon on March 6, 
Jean de Novelonpont appears to date her departure about the date 
of her return from Nancy,— that is, about February 13,— while the 
clerk (GrefBer) of the Hotel de Ville of Rochelle dates her arrival 
at Chinon on February 23. The duration of the journey is thus 
ten, not eleven days (Jean de Novelonpont, Proces, ii. 437 ; 
Grefner de Rochelle, Revue Historique, iv. 336). The date of 
arrival at Chinon, March 6, is taken from the Chronique de 
St. Michel, following a fragment of a continuator of Guillaume de 
Nangis, in Prods, iv. 313. M. de Boismarin has argued for the 
dates : Vaucouleurs left on February 12-13, Chinon reached on 
February 23 (cf. Lefevre-Pontalis, Chronique de Morosini, iii. 
44, 45, note 2). The curious astrological chronograms given in 
Process, iv. 313, seem to prove February 23-March 6 to be the 
correct dates. 

M. Simeon Luce has a different system of dates. By his theory, 

340 NOTES 

immediately after Baudricourt's first interview with Jeanne at her 
visit of 1429 — namely, about January 15 — Baudricourt would send a 
message to the Dauphin, asking if Jeanne might be dispatched to 
him. But we have seen that by mid-February Jeanne despaired 
of moving Baudricourt ; she therefore asked for an escort from the 
Due de Lorraine. The Dauphin, as will be shown, does not seem 
to have heard from Baudricourt concerning Jeanne till about 
March 9, three days after her arrival at Chinon. M. Simeon Luce 
supposes that Colet de Vienne, otherwise called Jean Colez, bore to 
Vaucouleurs a favourable answer from the Dauphin to Baudricourt's 
supposed letter of January 15. If so, as we do not hear of him at 
Vaucouleurs till February 23, he was an unconscionably long time 
on the way. Again, if the Dauphin actually summoned Jeanne, he 
later exhibited a curious aversion to receive her when she came, 
and an inexplicable curiosity in asking why she had come, and what 
was the nature of her business. Our hypothesis encounters none 
of these difficulties. M. Luce, it should be added, accepts without 
demur the story that Jeanne was aware of the battle at Rouvray on 
the day of the event (Simeon Luce, Jeanne d'Arc a Domremy, 
pp. ccix, ccx). 

P. 80, line 31. Prods, vol. ii. p. 437. 

P. 80, line 32. Prods, vol. v. pp. 257, 258. 

P. 81, line 6. Prods, vol. ii. pp. 437, 457, i. p. 54. 

P. 81, line 14. Prods, vol. ii. p. 449. 

P. 82, line 24. Prods, vol. v. p. 107, iii. pp. 100, 219. Perceval de Boulainvilliers 

says, " Haec Puella competentis est elegantia" in Izaak Walton's 
phrase, "is conveniently handsome" {Prods, v. 120). 

P. 83, line 13. M. Anatole France gives a very different portrait of the Maid, as a 

sturdy girl with a short strong neck and ample bust. But he here 
quotes none of the passages which I have selected from the 
evidence of eye-witnesses, but mainly deals in quotations from late 
and sometimes purely mythical authors, who never saw Jeanne 
d'Arc (France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. p. 194). I have pre- 
ferred evidence at first hand. 

P. %l, line 22. Revue Historique, vol. iv. p. 336. 

P. 83, line 29. Prods, vol. i. p. 55. 

P. 83, line 32. Process, vol. ii. pp. 438 and 457. 

P. 83, line 34. A recent historian (France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. p. 101) has made 

the chivalrous suggestion that the gentlemen saw no hope of profit- 
able warfaring at Vaucouleurs, which lay (or may have lain) in 
pledge to England, and hoped to better themselves on the Loire, 
while they mention their unwonted continence as a miracle, re- 
dounding to the credit of the saintliness of Jeanne. In the legends 
of the Saints, fair servants of Christ do not usually work this 
miracle ; they are generally beset by lustful wooers, as well as by 
honourable suitors. Jeanne herself, as we know, had been sought 
in marriage. To be sure, the contemporary St. Colette is said to 
have frozen the passions of visitors who had been damnabiliter 
inflammati. Jeanne's male dress was assumed for security on 
these wild roads and midnight marches. 

NOTES 341 

A piece of evidence in discord with what the two gentlemen 
swore to in 1456 was given, about the same time, by the widow of 
Regnier de Boullegny, a member of the king's council of finance. 
She said that she had heard Jeanne's conductors say that "at first 
they reckoned her mad, and thought of putting her in some strong 
place and meant to woo her carnally, but shame came on them, so 
that they obeyed her in all things, and were as eager to bring her 
safe to the king, as she was to go " [Prods, iii. 86, 87). 

It is to be supposed that this lady's memory deceived her ; the 

two gentlemen conducted Jeanne at their own expense, and, though 

hey doubtless looked t o be, and were, repaid, they clearly regarded 

her, from the first, in t he spirit of chivalry, and with hope that she 

might save them from he English yoke. 

P. 84, line 2. Prods, vol. ii. p. 457. 

P. 84, line 8. Prods, vol. ii. pp. 437, 438. 

P. 84, line II. Prods, vol. i. p. 54. 

P. 84, line 16. Prods, vol. iii. p. 199. 

P. 84, line 25. Life of St. Colette, by Mrs. Parsons, p. 168 (1879). M. Anatole 

France has evolved a theory on this point : ' ' Some French 
men-at-arms, apprised of Jeanne's coming, laid an ambush in 
front. They meant to seize the young girl, throw her into a 
fosse, and leave her under a great stone, hoping that the king, who 
had caused her coming, would pay a high ransom for her." For 
all this M. France quotes Prods, iii. 293, a passage which con- 
tains no such story. M. France means Prods, iii. 203, where we 
have the tale of ambushed men who never showed themselves. He 
combines with this anecdote an erroneous version of the tattle of 
the widow of Regnier de Boullegny [Prods, iii. 87), who said that 
Jeanne's own company declared that they began by thinking her 
mad, intending to place her in quadam munitione, and to woo her 
par amours. All the story of the ambushed men who plotted to 
leave Jeanne in a ditch, under a big stone, till the king ransomed 
her, is an attempt to combine two separate stories (France, i. 116, 
117, note 2). 

P. 85, line 3. Liber Vagatorum, pp. 8, 9 (Strasbourg, 1862). 

P. 85, line 23. Prods, vol. i. p. 75. 

P. 85, line 28. Prods, vol. i. pp, 75, 76. 

P. 85, line 31. Prods, vol. i. p. 56. 

P. 86, line 12. Prods, vol. iii. pp. 115, 116. 

P. 86, line 18. Prods, vol. iii. p. 102. An Englishman named Lawrence told Pancrazio 

Giustiniani, who wrote from Bruges on May 10 (more probably 
about May 18), that "many wished to mock her, but surely an ill 
death have they died. " This may refer to Pasquerel's story, and to 
the mockers drowned at the Tourelles on May 7 (Lefevre-Pontalis, 
Chronique a! Antonio Morosini, iii. 51). 

P. 86, line 23. Prods, vol. iii. pp. 102, 103. 

P. 86, line 25. Prods, vol. i. p. 75. 

P. 86, line 35. Prods, vol. iii. p. 17. 

P. 87, line 2. Simon Charles, Prods, vol. iii. p. 116. 

P. 87, line 15. Revue Historique, vol. iv. p. 337. 



P. 87, line 24. 




Prods, vol. iv. 

Prods, vol. iv. p. 426 ; clerk of Brabant quoting a letter of April 
22, 1429. 

87, line 29. Prods, vol. iii. p. 103. 
SS, line 5- Proces, vol. v. p. 133 ; Chronique ct Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. pp. 98,99. 

88, line 21. Apercus Nouveanx, pp. 65, 66, quoting Basin, History of Charles VII, 
lib. ii. c. x. 

88, line 24. \ Journal du Siege, Prods, vol. iv. p. 128; Chronique de la Pucelle, 

89, 11. 1-3./ Prods, vol. iv. p. 209. 
89, line 6. Mysore du Sttge cTOrUans, pp. 265, 392. 
89, line 29. Sala, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 279-281. 

89, line 35. Apercus Nouveaux, pp. 63, 66 ; Proces, vol. i. p. 120. 

90, line 10. Vallet de Viriville, Charles vir, vol. ii. p. 50, note 2. 
90, line 14. France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. pp. 198-199. 
90, line 31. Prods, vol. iii. p. 17. 

90, line 35. Louis de Coutes, by Amicie de Foulques de Villaret. 

91, line 3. Prods, vol. iii. pp. 65, 66. 
91, line 10. Proces, vol. iii. p. 99. 
91, line 15. Windecke (Lefevre-Pontalis), p. 109; Chronique d? Antonio Morosini, 

vol. iii. pp. 54, 55. 
P. 94, line 6. The details of Rouvray are from the Journal du Sitge, For what follows 

see Prods, vol. iii. p. 21. 
Prods, vol. v. pp. 339, 340; (cf. Book of Pluscarden, vol. i. p. 365). 
Journal du Stige d'OrUans, Proch, vol. iv. p. 127. 
Chronique d Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. pp. 17-23 ; 

pp. 130, 131. 
Monstrelet, ch. lviii. vol. v. p. 125. 
ne 27. Journal d'tm Bourgeois de Paris (Tuetey), p. 234. 

Journal du Siege, Proces, vol. iv. pp. 146, 147, 150. 
Rymer, Fcedera, vol. x. pp. 413, 414 (Edition 1710). 
Prods, vol. iii. pp. 91, 92. 
Eberhart Windecke in Proch, vol. iv. pp. 486, 487 ; Cluvnique 

d? Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. pp. 95, 104, 105. 
Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. p. 212. 
Process, vol. iii. p. 96. 

Graham Dalyell, Darker Superstitions of Scotland, pp. 473-474- 
Proch, Chronique de la Pucelle, vol. iv. p. 209. 

Prods, vol. ii. p. 82. "When the examiners were announced Jeanne 
was in cruel disquietude. St. Catherine took the trouble to 
reassure her " (France, vol. 
France quotes Proces, vol. 
neither disquietude nor St. 
named by any witness, 
ioo, line 26. Process, vol. iii. p. 83. 
1 01, line 34. Prods, vol. iii. pp. 203-206. 

La Le"gende anglaise de Jeanne, pp. 1 18-123. 
Proch, vol. iii. p. 75- 
Proces, vol. iii. pp. 8^, 84. 
Proces, vol. iii. p. 75. 
Proch, vol. iii. p. 20. 
p. 92. 


94, line 11 


94, line 14. 


94, line 17. 


94, line 36. 


95, line 27. 


96, line 8. 


96, line 26. 


97, line 18. 


97, line 25. 


97, line 28. 


98, line 20. 


99, line 16. 


100, line 4. 


100, line 23. 

i. p. 222). 
iii. p. 82. 

For these two facts M. 
The passage mentions 
The Saints are never 



For the two Seguins, cf. Dunand, 

102, line 
102, line 14. 
102, line 16. 
102, line 18. 
102, line 23. 

Proch, vol. iii. 



line 26. 



line 10. 



line 12. 



line 14. 



line 24 



line 27, 



line 35, 



line 10. 



line 3. 



line 28. 



line 15. 



line 12. 



line 12. 



line 33. 



line 6. 



line 10. 



line 7. 



line 17. 



line 20. 



line 22. 



line 30. 



line 7. 



line 10. 

NOTES 343 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 86. 

Prods, vol. iii. pp. 209, 210; D'Aulon. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 82 ; Barbin. 

Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne cPArc, vol. i. p. 246. Here it is 
asserted as an acquired fact that the emissaries avaient iti choisis 
parmi ces moines mendiants. We only know that Jean Barbin 
" heard say that people had been sent to Jeanne's native place" 
(Prods, iii. 82). M. Simeon Luce may have misled M. France. 
He quotes {Jeanne <£Arc a Domremy, p. cxliii, note 1), Process, 
"• 397, tnus — I follow his typography: "Beatrix, widow of 
Estellin, labourer, of Domremy said that she heard say that MINOR 
FRIARS were in the said tozvn (Domremy) to gather information as 
was said." M. Luce, always hot on the scent of mendicant friars, 
did not notice that Beatrix was speaking, not of April 1429, but of 
1430- 143 1. The Friars were sent, if at all, by Jeanne's hostile 
Judges at Rouen ! Beatrix was asked (Prods, ii. 385, Article xi) 
as to the information sought at Domremy by the authority of the 
Jttdges when Jeanne was taken and was in English hands. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 74. 

Prods, vol. iii. pp. 20, 83, 203-204. 

The Judges of 1 450-1 456 say that they have heard evidence as to the 
examination of Poitiers. They say nothing about the existence 
of documentary evidence, of a Register, and only one examiner, 
Seguin, was heard (Prods, vol. v. p. 472). Several others were 
alive, but were not called, or did not appear. If there was a Book 
of Poitiers, for some reason it was not even named in 1450-1456. 
M. Simeon Luce thinks that it was destroyed about 1443, because 
it probably contained evidence of the treason of the Comte de 
Vaudemont, and others, whom the king had pardoned (Simeon 
Luce, 274, note 1). 

Prods, vol. i. p. 71. 

Prods, vol. iii. pp. 39 1, 39 2 - 

Simeon Luce, Jeanne d Arc h Domremy, p. cxxi. 

Prods, vol. iv. pp. 208, 209. 

Prods, vol. v. p. 258. 

The details are from a fifteenth-century miniature of Jeanne, in La 
Vierge Guerriere, by Father Ayroles (1898). The portrait of the 
face may be imaginary, but we can trust the artist for the armour. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 76. 

Revue Historique, vol. iv. pp. 337, 33S ; Chronique de Morosini, 
vol. iii. pp. 108-110. 

Process, vol. iv. p. 426. 

Simeon Luce, Jeanne d'Arc d Domremy, pp. cclxxxviii-cccx. 

Simeon Luce, Jeanne cC Arc a Domremy, p. cccii. 

Simeon Luce, Jeanne cT Arc a Do?nremy, pp. ccciv, cccv. 

Simeon Luce, Jeanne d^ Arc a Domremy, p. 270. 

Proch, vol. iii. pp. 15, 210. 

France, Vie de Jeanne (FArc, vol. i. p. 294, ii. 135. 

For the dire poverty of d'Aulon M. France cites Dunois, Prods, 
iii. 15. Dunois says not one word about d'Aulon 's poverty. 

344 NOTES 

For the fact that " d'Aulon belonged wholly to La Tremoille, was in 
the hands of La Tremoille, and owed him money," he cites Les 
La Trimo'ilh pendant cinq Steele, Guy VI et Georges (1343-1446, 
Nantes, 1890, pp. 196, 201); and Beaucourt, Charles vu, vol. ii. 
p. 293, note 3. The latter quotation is identical in sense with 
Les La Tre*moille, vol. i. p. 196. It is a document in which 
(March 16, 1431-1432) d'Aulon acknowledges having borrowed, 
for two months, 500 gold crowns from La Tremoille. The fact was 
that d'Aulon, captured by the Burgundians on May 23, 1430, 
had to pay a crushing ransom, and so borrowed 500 gold 
crowns. On April 13, 1433 (Les La Trimoille, vol. i. pp. 200- 
201), Pothon de Bourguignon, d'Aulon's brother, captured with 
him on May 23, 1430, also borrows money from La Tremoille, 
his bill being apparently backed by Jean d'Aulon, Thibault de 
Termes (who fought at Orleans, and was a witness in 1450-1456), 
and Arnault de Bourguignon, who appear to have been joint 
borrowers of 2750 gold crowns. These debts were incurred after 
the two d'Aulon brothers were impoverished by their heavy 
ransoms, and neither prove that Jean d'Aulon was "the most 
destitute squire in the kingdom," nor that he " belonged absolutely 
to La Tremoille," nor that, in the lifetime of the Maid, he owed 
money to La Tremoille. All that, as far as the evidence shows, 
is part of the legend evolved by M. France. 
P. in, line 12. Prods, vol. v. p. 258. 
P. in, line 21. Process, vol. i. p, 117. 
P. in, line 25. Process, vol. i. p. 181. 

P. in, line 27. Process, vol. i. p. 301. Dunois says that Our Lord was painted with a 

lily in His hand ; Pasquerel, that each angel offered Him a lily. 
The Maid is certain to be right {Procis, vol. hi. pp. 7, 103). 
P. in, line 29. Revue Historique, vol. iv. p. 338. 

P. 112, line 11. The force escorted no more than 60 waggons of provisions and 400 

head of cattle. Jeanne is reported to have told her Judges that the 
force was of from 10,000 to 12,000 men. This number is given in 
a contemporary Italian letter, while Monstrelet speaks of 7000 men. 
These are impossible figures : the army in a very few days would 
have eaten up the supplies which they introduced. 

A German chronicler, using a dispatch of the period, states the 
numbers at 3000 men, and so does the Chrottique de Tournai, obvi- 
ously using the same dispatch, and giving the convoy at 60 waggons 
and 435 head of cattle. Now Chartier and the Chronique de la 
Pucelle represent the army which came back (May 4) from Blois 
as less by three times than the army which originally marched 
from Blois. Can they mean "less by a third"? On April 29, 
" 200 lances" (from 800 to 1000 men) entered Orleans, when the 
rest retired to Blois. Deducting this 1000 from an original host of 
4000, we get 3000, as in Windecke and the Chronique de Tournai, 
resting on an official newsletter, for the army of Blois. Under 
Clermont, on February 12, that army had numbered between 
3000 and 4000 men. It is unlikely that the force with Jeanne was 
greater : a. larger body could not be subsisted in Orleans, and 

NOTES 345 

would have soon, with the population, say 25,000, and the garrison, 
have eaten up the supplies. With even 3000 fresh combatants, 
the army of Jeanne, the town militia, and the garrison, out- 
numbered the besiegers. (Jeanne's evidence, Prods, i. 78 ; 
Beaucroix, Prods, hi. 78 ; Monstrelet, ch. lix ; Windecke, 
Prods, iv. 491 ; Chronique de Tournai, J. J. Smet, vol. iii. 
p. 409 ; Recueil des Chroniques de Flandre, Chartier, Proems, iv. 
56 ; Chronique de la Pucelle, iv. 222 ; Morosini, iii. p. 25, 
note 2). 

P. 112, line 19. Prods, vol. iii. pp. 5, 7, 8. 

P. 112, line 32. Proces, vol. iii. p. 4. 

P. 113, line 4. De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, vol. ii. pp. 170-171. 

P. 113, line 10. De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles Vii, vol. ii. p. 633; Les La 

Trhno'ille, vol. i. pp. 176, 182 ; Debts of the Dauphin to La 

P. 113, line 15. Prods, vol. iii. p. 93. 

P. 113, line 22. Prods, vol. iii. p. 104. 

P. 115, line 4. Prods, vol. iii. pp. 5, 6. For the facts, see Boucher de Molandon, La 

Premiere Expedition de Jeanne d? Arc, pp. 40-46 ; Process, vol. v. 
pp. 289-290, vol. iii. p. 78 ; Beaucroix. 

P. 115, line 21. France, vol. i. pp. 305, 306; citing Chartier, vol. i. p. 68; Journal 

du Sitge, p. 48 (in Prods, vol. iv. p. 53, and pp. 127-129). 

P. 116, line 22. On the river side, nearly opposite the eastern Watergate, or Tour Neuve 

of Orleans, there was an English fort called St. Jean le Blanc, in- 
tended to command the ferry. This fort, in the Life of Jeanne by 
M. France, is apt to cause more trouble to the reader than it ever 
gave to the French army. M. France says (i. 306) that as Jeanne, 
on April 28, could not summon Talbot (who was at St. Laurent 
on the opposite side of the river), "she wished to show herself in 
front of the outpost [guet) of St. Jean le Blanc." His authorities 
are Beaucroix, Prods, iii. p. 78, and d'Aulon, iii. p. 214. In the 
former passage it is said that Jeanne (at what moment is not stated) 
was desirous that the whole force "should go straight to St. Jean 
le Blanc, which they did not do." The second passage cited (iii. 
214) has no concern with the events of April 28, as M. France 
imagines, but contains d'Aulon's account of the French advance 
against St. Jean le Blanc on the morning of May 6. They then 
found that the English had just evacuated the fort, when they saw 
the French movements on the river. Thus the English evacuated 
St. Jean on the morning of May 6, not on April 28. 

M. France (i. 306) says that had Jeanne tried to show herself 
before St. Jean on April 28, she would have found no English there. 
On April 29, M. France (i. 311, 312) says that St. Jean le Blanc 
was still empty of its defenders. His authorities are Jean Chartier 
{Process, iv. 54), who says that the English had evacuated St. Jean, 
and retired into their fortress on the site of the Augustinian 
monastery; and the Chronique de la Pucelle (Prods, iv. 217). 
The second author merely quotes the former, and both appear 
to be in error, and to assign to April 28 an event of May 6. 
M. France (i. 341) represents St. Jean as still empty of defenders on 



ne 26. 
ne 33. 
ne I. 
ne 4. 
ne 8. 
ne 17. 
ne 28. 

■ 4. 
ne 20. 
ne 26. 
ne 2. 
ne 14. 

P. 120, line 20. 
P. 120, line 24. 

P. ] 

n6, Hi 

p. ] 

Ei6, li 

p. ] 

[17, li 

p. ] 

[17, li 

p. ] 

[17, li 

p. ] 

[17, Hi 

p. ] 

[17, li 

p. ] 

[18, li 

p. ] 

t i8,li 

p. ] 

118, li 

p. ] 

:i9, li 

p. ] 

[20, li 

May 5. He writes (i. 347), speaking of May 6, that the first of the 
French who landed on the opposite bank of the Loire "entered 
the abandoned fort of St. Jean le Blanc, and amused themselves by 
destroying it, while awaiting reinforcements." Here the authority 
cited is the Chronique de la Pucelle, but in that chronicle we read 
that, on May 6, the French crossed the Loire in force, under the 
eyes of Glasdale (of the English bridge-head fort, the Tourelles), 
"who immediately caused the fort of St. Jean ie Blanc to be 
evacuated and burned, and withdrew his men into the Augustins, 
the Tourelles, and the outwork or boulevard of the Tourelles " 
(P?-ods, iv. 225, 226). This agrees with the account of d'Aulon, 
who was present. The English, he says, evacuated St. Jean le 
Blanc when they saw the French preparations to attack it, on 
May 6, and withdrew into the Augustins (Proofs, iii. 213, 214). 
Chartier appears to have made the same evacuation of St. Jean 
le Blanc occur twice, on April 28 and May 6. So does the 
Chronique de la Pucelle, manifestly copying Chartier ; but it does 
not say that the French, on May 6, "amused themselves by 
destroying " a fort which Glasdale, it avers, had already burned ! 

Beaucroix, Prods, vol. iii. p. 78. 

Prods, vol. iii. pp. 6, 7. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 78. 

Prods, vol. v. p. 290. 

Prods, vol. iv. p. 149. 

Prods, vol. iv. p. 151, note I. 

Hay Fleming, Saints of the Covenant, vol. i. pp. 37-38, vol. ii. p. 127. 

Prods, vol. v. pp. 342-346. 

Journal du Sie~ge ; Prods, vol. iv. p. 153. 

Prods, vol. v. p. 260. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 34. 

So Jean Chartier writes in Prods, iv. 54. He was Historiographer 
Royal to Charles vn (in 1449), but he is very frank about the 
futility of the king's advisers, who by 1449 were mostly dead or 
out of office. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 7- 

This affair of the summons and the heralds is recorded in a most con- 
fusing way. M. Anatole France (vol. i. pp. 284, 305) adopts the 
view that the Maid had sent on from Blois, (about April 26 ?) 
a herald, with her famous letter of summons dated March 22, 
1429. The English, says M. France, had detained this herald, and 
made no reply. One authority, the Chronique de la Pticelle (Prods, 
vol. iv. pp. 215-217), says that Jeanne wrote from Blois, and sent 
her letter to Talbot by a herald. But, as the letter here given is 
dated March 22, she could not have written it at Blois : she was 
at Poitiers on March 22. Le Journal de Siege, making an error 
of six weeks, says that on March 22, Jeanne sent a herald with 
her letter from Blois. The English read the letter, threatened to 
burn the Maid, and detained the herald (Prods, iv. pp. 139-141). 

These are obvious errors. The authors derive the date of the dis- 
patch of the herald from the date of the writing of the letter (March 

NOTES 347 

22), M. France (i. p. 321) adopts these errors, and makes Jeanne, 
on April 30, send her herald Ambleville to recover the herald 
Guienne, sent from Blois. For this M. France cites Prods, 
vol. iii. pp. 26, 27, evidence of Jacques l'Esbahy, a citizen of Orleans. 
Jacques depones to none of this. Me says that two heralds 
were sent, Ambleville and Guienne, to the English, who sent 
back Ambleville and kept Guienne, declaring that they would 
burn him. The Chronique de la Pucelle makes the English send 
back only one of the two heralds, who is reported, erroneously, to 
have returned to the English, and brought back his companion in 
safety {Prods, vol. iv. pp. 220, 221). Le Journal du Siige says 
that on April 30 the Maid sent two heralds, and asked for the 
return of the herald whom she had dispatched from Blois, making 
three heralds in all ! The three heralds were then restored to her 
by the English {Prods, iv. 154). 

All this appears to be perfectly inaccurate. No herald was sent 
from Blois. Two, Ambleville and Guienne, were sent out of Orleans 
on April 30. The English returned Ambleville ; Guienne they kept, 
meaning to burn him. 

Being aware that to burn a herald was a strong measure, they 
sent to ask the advice of the furiously Anglo-Burgundian University 
doctors of the University of Paris. But Jeanne's rapidity in war 
drove the English from Orleans before the answer of the University 
could arrive, and the retreating English left the herald Guienne, 
and the stake at which they meant to burn him, in their deserted 
camp. This we learn from a herald, Jacques le Bouvier, King-at- 
arms of Berri (Process, vol. iv. p. 42). 

P. 121, line 15. Prods, vol. i. pp. 240-241. This follows the text used by the Judges, 

which is the best. 

P. 121, line 21. Prods, vol. iii. p. 27. 

P. 121, line 28. Prods, vol. iv. p. 42. 

P. 122, line 2. Prods, vol. iv. p. 154. 

P. 122, line 7. Process, vol. iv. p. 155. 

P. 122, line 8. Citing these passages, and Jean Chartier, M. Anatole France tells 

the story of April 30 thus (France, vol. i. pp. 316-318): "On 
the morrow of the Maid's arrival, (April 30), the Orleans militia 
was astir from daybreak. Since the previous evening the city 
was turned upside down. The revolt, long suppressed, had begun. 
. . . There was no question of the king's Lieutenant, of Governor, 
of Lords, of Captains ; there was only one power, one force, the 
Maid. The Maid was chief of the Commune. This girl, this 
shepherdess, this be'guine, whom the nobles had led to bring them 
luck, did them the greatest possible mischief: she annihilated them. 
From the dawn of April 30 the nobles could see that the bourgeois 
revolution was accomplished. The town's forces waited for the 
Maid 10 head them and lead them instantly against the "God- 
damns" (Godons). The captains tried to make them see that they 
must await the army of Blois and the force of the Marechal de 
Boussac, which had started under cloud of night to join hands with 
it. The armed bourgeoisie would listen to nothing, and yelled for 



the Maid. She did not show herself; Dunois, with his golden 
tongue, had advised her not to show herself" {Prods, iii. 21 1 ; 
Chronique de la Pucelle, p. 287. This is a wrong reference, p. 287 
refers to events in August 1429. The reference should be to 
pp. 250, 251, corresponding to Prods, vol. iv. pp. 221, 222. The 
passage does not contain what M. France finds in it. The 
references offered by M. France to these Chroniques are sometimes 
curiously erroneous : wrong pages are given, and the right pages 
fail to support his statements). 

Jeanne's page, whose memory was very inaccurate, says that Jeanne 
was angry because Dunois would not attack on April 30. He then 
betrays his own inaccuracy most amazingly {Prods, vol. iii. p. 68). 
We next hear from M. France of the attack on the English at 
their fort, Paris: "The Maid had known nothing about it." No 
authority, as far as I can find, though authorities are duly cited by 
M. France, says a word, in this place, of "a bourgeois revolution" ; 
of the Maid as " captain of the Commune" ; of yells for the Maid ; 
of her withdrawal, by desire of Dunois ; in short, of the whole 
story as given by M. France. 

Dunois says that she was scarcely willing to wait, and allow him 
to go to Blois : " She wanted to summon the English to raise the 
siege, or to attack them." She did send her letter to them, which 
demoralised them {Prods, vol. iii. p. 7). 

P. 122, line 16. B. de Molandon, La Premiere Expedition de Jeanne cC Arc, p. 106 ; 

Pikes Justificatives B. 

P. 122, line 19. Prods, vol. iii. p. 211, 

P. 122, line 21. It is conceivable that d' Anion's account of Jeanne's demonstration to 

cover the exit of Dunois is identical with the Journal's attack on the 
fort called Paris, dated April 30, but Le Jotu-nal du Sitge says 
nothing about Jeanne's part in that affair, and it makes Dunois 
leave for Blois on May 1, giving nothing about a demonstration of 
force to cover his exit. 

P. 122, line 28. Prods, vol. iv. p. 155. 

P. 122, line 30. Prods, vol. iv. p. 156. 

P. 122, line 31. The story told in the chronicle of the Festival of May 8, about the Maid 

reassuring one Jean de Mascon, is undated {Prods, vol. v. p. 291). 
It may probably have been an event of May 3. There is a tale that 
Jeanne told d'Aulon not to fear about the Marechal de Boussac, 
who was at Blois ; he would return safe from Blois. This was "a 
little while before he came." As d'Aulon was not then with 
Jeanne but with the Marechal at Blois, the story can only be true 
if the words were spoken before d'Aulon left Orleans, on May 1 
{Prods, vol. iii. pp. 78, 79). 

P. 122, line 32. Prods, vol. iv. p. 222. 

P. 123, line I. Notonniers were paid for bringing grain by boat from Blois on May 4 

(Boucher de Molandon, Premiere Expedition de Jeanne a* 'Arc, pp. 58, 
59). Apparently the army from Blois led the cattle past the 
English forts {Prods, vol. iv. pp. 156, 222), while the grain was 
brought by water, and was boated over some way above the town 
at the ferry commanded by the English fort of St. Loup. 

NOTES 349 

P. 123, line 3. Proces, vol. iii. p. 211, vol. iv. pp. 156, 222. 

P. 123, line 14. France, vol. i. p. 329. 

P. 123, line 21. The opposite opinion is maintained by M. Boucher de Molandon 

(Premie're Expedition de Jeanne d" Arc, pp. II, 79). 

P. 123, line 32. Prods, vol. iii. p. 212; D'Aulon. 

P. 124, line 5. According to the Chronique de la Pucelle, the victuals {vivres), the 

cattle, probably, came with the army from Blois on the Orleans 
side of the river (Prods, vol. iv. p. 222). 

P. 124, line 19. Proces, vol. iii. p. 212. 

P. 124, line 23. De Coutes, who is wrong as to the date, making it April 30, says that 

Jeanne was then unarmed, but, while he brought her horse, was 
armed by her hostess and her little daughter (Proces, vol. iii. p. 68). 
D'Aulon must be right. 

P. 124, line 28. Process, vol. iii. p. 124, iv. p. 223. 

P. 124, line 34. Proces, vol. iii. p. 213. 

P. 125, line 4. Proces, vol. iii. p. 69 (de Coutes). 

P. 125, line 6. Proces, vol. iii. p. 213. 

P. 125, line 14. Proems, vol. iv. pp. 157, 224. 

P. 125, line 16. Proces, vol. iii. p. 106. With the best will in the world, I cannot find 

any eye-witness reporting that " through the Maid what had been 
a diversion became an attack driven home " (France, vol. i. p. 336). 
It may be that the arrival of the Maid " turned a vain skirmish 
into an attack driven home, and gave victory by giving confidence " 
(France, vol. i. p. 339). But no eye-witness seems to put the case 
in this light. At all events, the French, now greatly reinforced, 
had for the first time taken an English work, one which kept open 
the communications with the English garrison of Jargeau, and was 
meant to cut the French communications with the opposite bank of 
the river, in which it was always unsuccessful. We nowhere read 
that a convoy of cattle was brought across during the attack on St. 
Loup, but grain did come by water. M. Lefevre-Pontalis believes 
that the second convoy from Blois came by the Orleans or Beauce 
side of the river (Chronique d' Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. pp. 28, 

P. 125, line 23. Prods, vol. iii. p. 107. The Chronique de la Pucelle says the reverse ; 

Jeanne wanted to fight, but the leaders respected the holiness of the 
day (Process, vol. iv. p. 224). 

P. 125, line 27. Prods, vol. iv. p. 225. 

P. 126, line 5. Prods, vol. iii. p. 108. This scene of May 5 is dated by M. France 

(vol. i. p. 322) on April 30 (also with other details on May 5), but 
Pasquerel was present at the scene, and on April 30 he was not 
in Orleans, though M. France cites his evidence (Process, vol. iii. 
p. 108) for April 30. The Chronique de la Pucelle, here following 
Gestes des Nobles Francoys, a manuscript of 1429 or 1430, dates the 
scene on May 5 (Prods, vol. iv. p. 225). Le Journal du Siige 
dates it (followed by M. France) on April 30 (Prods, vol. i. p. 155). 
The details about the arrow and the "news from her Lord," and 
the letter for the date May 5, as given by her confessor, who states 
that he was present, are circumstantial, and I do not think that 
he had an illusion of memory, especially as he is supported by the 

350 NOTES 

contemporary Gestes des Nobles Francoys. After giving Pasquerel's 
version, and dating it on April 30 (France, vol. i. p. 322), M. 
France gives it again, with more details, on the day of the Ascension 
(vol. i. pp. 343, 344) ; again from the evidence of Pasquerel 
(Prods, vol. iii. pp. 107, 108). Yet M. France is specially severe 
on the faults of Pasquerel as a witness (France, vol. i. p. xxii). 

P. 126, line 8. Jean Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 57-59. 

P. 126, line 31. Our authority here is Jean Chartier, writing twenty years later 

(Prods, iv. 57, 58). It will be observed that the tale is very cir- 
cumstantial ; all names, and the parts played by de Lore, Cousinot, 
the Chancellor, and Dunois being given, though Chartier errs in 
saying that Fastolf was at St. Laurent. Le Journal du Siitge 
(Prods, vol. iv. p. 158) says that some burgesses were present at 
the Council. It does not say that Jeanne was called to the Council, 
nor mention the intended feint, nor does the Chronique de la 
Pucelle, attributed to Cousinot himself, or his nephew or son. Here 
it follows Gestes des Nobles Francoys (1429). M. France avers that 
the burgesses were to make the feint, with Jeanne, while the nobles 
with their levies were to make the real attack, on the forts across 
the river. Jeanne was captain of the town militia, who were not 
to know the secret (France, vol. i. pp. 340-343). But the burgesses 
were present, in council, according to Le Jownal du Siege 
M. Fiance thinks Chartier's version "very doubtful." Chartier 
certainly shows great vagueness later, but he seems to have obtained 
this part of his narrative from an eye-witness. 

P. 127, line 26. Prods, vol. iii. pp. 116, 117 ; Simon Charles. 

P. 128, line 35. Prods, vol. iv. p. 226 ; Chroniqtce de la Pucelle, here following Gestes 


P. 129, line 30. Prods, vol. iii. pp. 214, 215 

P. 129, line 33. Prods, vol. iii. p. 79. 

P. 130, line 2. Prods, vol. iii. p. 214. 

P. 130, line 9. The evidence is contradictory. D'Aulon and Simon Beaucroix (Prods, 

vol. iii. p. 79) say that she was unwilling to leave the taken fort 
where many tarried, and were supplied with food from the city. 
However, they may mean that she did return to Orleans, though 
reluctantly. Perceval de Cagny, dictating about 1436, agrees with 
d'Aulon. ' ' The Maid said to those about her, " By my baton I will 
take the Tournelles to-morrow, and return to the town by the 
bridge," which was broken (Prods, vol. iv. p. 8). But Perceval 
was not present, and till his chief, d'Alencon, comes on the scene 
of war, is not a good witness. Jeanne's page, de Coutes (Prods, 
vol. iii. p. 70), her confessor, Pasquerel (vol. iii. p. 108), and the 
(Chronique de la Pucelle, Prods, iv. p. 227), which is here con- 
temporary, maintain, with many details, that she returned to 
Boucher's house in Orleans. I follow their versions, but probably 
de Cagny, in 1436, got his version from d'Aulon. 

P. 130, line II. Proces, vol. iv. p. 227 ; Chronique de la Pucelle, here contemporary. 

P. 130, line 21. Prods, vol. iii. p. 109. 

P. 130, line 23. Prods, vol. iv. p. 426. 

P. 130, line 29. Chronique d 'Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. p. 121. 

NOTES 351 

P. 130, line 32. Proch, vol. iii. p. 127 (evidence of Viole). 

P. 131, line 21. Proces, vol. i. p. 78 (Jeanne) ; Chronique <F Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. 

p. 25 ; Monstrelet, bk. ii. ch. lix. ; Windecke, in Proces, vol. 
iv. p. 491 ; Chronique de Tournai (de Smet, Recueil des Chronique 
de Flandre, vol. iii. p. 409 ; Chronique de la Pucelle, Prods, vol. 
iv. p. 222). The Chronique de Tournai is clearly based on the 
same contemporary dispatch as Windecke used. M. Lefevre- 
Pontalis suggests that the dispatch had xiii. mil, 13,000, but the x 
dropped out (Windecke, p. 77). 

P. 132, line 2. Molandon and Beaucorps, IJ Annie AnglaiseVainctie par Jeanne cTArc, 

pp. 134-143- 

P. 132, line 29. Proch, vol. iv. p. 227. 

P. 134, line 10. Proch, vol. iv. pp. 98, 99. 

P. 134, line 12. Proces, vol. iii. p. 109 ; Pasquerel. 

P. 134, line 15. The Chronique de la Pucelle says that, at dawn of May 7, the Maid, 

with the accordance and consent of the townsfolk, but contrary 
to the will and opinion of all the King's chiefs and captains, left 
with all her force (a tout son effort), and crossed the Loire" {Proch, 
iv. 227). The Chroniqtie de la ftte de Mai 8, a late authority, 
says that the burgesses held a meeting and begged the Maid to 
fulfil her mission: she said, "In God's name I will do that, 
et qui nfaymera si me suyve, and the nobles followed with her " 
(Proch, vol. v. p. 293). Her page, de Coutes, says that several 
Lords did not wish to assault the Tourelles, but Jeanne opened 
the Burgundy gate, and crossed the river. De Coutes is con- 
fusing the events of May 6 with those of May 7, as is his 
manner, (Proch, iii. p. 70). Pasquerel says that, on the night of 
May 6, the nobles sent a notable knight to Jeanne, announcing their 
intention not to fight next day. She said, "You have been in 
your council, and I in mine," but here Pasquerel possibly blunders, 
for he represents the Lords as still expecting succour from the King 
(Proch, iii. 108, 109). 

On the other hand, M. Lefevre-Pontalis maintains that on 
May 7 the lords and leaders closed the Burgundy gate, and 
strove to prevent the Maid from attacking the Tourelles. She 
forced the gate, and Gaucourt was in great danger from the 
angry crowd. If this view be correct, the Maid was not only 
the sole cause of the capture of the Tourelles, but she saved the 
French force, which had passed the night at Les Augustins, and 
should have been cut up by Talbot (cf. Lefevre-Pontalis, Les 
Sources Allemandes (Windecke), pp. 105, 106, and Wallon, Jeanne 
dArc (1901), vol. i. pp. 160-163). 

P. 134, line 19. In 1436, Perceval de Cagny gives Jeanne's prediction, "I will return 

by the bridge " (Proch, vol. iv. p. 8), but he avers that she said 
so at the Augustins, where she bivouacked. As to the fish, on 
May 3, not May 7, one Raoulet de Recourt was paid twenty sols 
" for an alose presented to the Maid " (Proch, vol. v. p. 259). This 
record in the town accounts of Orleans tends to suggest that 
Colette, who spoke of the gift of the fish as an incident of 
May 7, confused the dates of the presentation of the fish (Proch, 

352 NOTES 

vol. iii. pp. 124, 125). Of course such an incident may have 
occurred twice. As for the prophecy about the bridge, Jeanne 
probably made it, but it was merely an assertion of confidence : 
she must have known by May 7 that an attempt to bridge the 
gap would be made. 
P. 134, line 23. The evidence for this, though it occurs in the Chro?iiqtie de la Pucelle 

(Proces, vol. iv. p. 228), is early. The passage is borrowed from 
Gestes des Nobles Francoys, a manuscript of about 1430. How- 
ever, by another account, the preparations were hastily improvised. 
See too Chronique de la FUe de Mai 8, for the hard work of 
making the improvised bridge {Prods, vol. v. p. 293). 
34, line 27. Prods, vol. iv. pp. 43, 44. 

34, line 35. Proces, vol. v. pp. 101-104. 

35, line 9. One of them is so depicted on an ancient wood carving, photographed 
by the Marquis d'Eguilles. 

35, line 18. Molandon and Beaucorps, VArmie Anglaise Vaincue par Jeanne 

d Arc, pp. 232-242. 

35, line 21. Proces, vol. iv. p. 97. 

35, line 27. Proces, vol. iii. p. 216 (D'Aulon). 

36, line 2. Prods, vol. iv. p. 160. 
36, line 8. Proces, vol. iii. p. 70. 
36, line 17. Proces, vol. iii. p. 8. 

36, line 19. Proces, vol. iii. p. no. So too her page, Proces, vol. iii. p. 70. 

36, line 32. Prods, vol. iv. p. 9 ; Perceval de Cagny. 

36, line 34. Prods, vol. iii. p. 8 ; Dunois. 

37, line 13. Proces, vol. iii. p. 216. 

38, line 9. Proch, vol. iii. p. 217. 
38, line 15. Prods, vol. iv. pp. 228, 229. 

38, line 34. Prods, vol. iii. p. no. 

39, line 8. Process, vol. iv. p. 162, note. 
39, line 25. Process, vol. iv. pp. 161, 229. 
39, line 33. Process, vol. iii. p. no. 

39, line 35. Prods, vol. iv. p. 162. 

40, line 6. Proces, vol. iii. p. 217. 

41, line 14. Process, vol. iv. p. 163. 
41, line 17. Prods, vol. v. p. 297. 
41, line 23. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d 'Arc, vol. i. p. 366; citing Chronique 

dela Pucelle, p. 295 (properly p. 259, Proces, vol. iv. p. 232) ; Journal 
du Siege, p. 88 (Proces, vol. iv. p. 163). I can find no such matter 
in these sources, and M. France does not quote the two Bishops 
seen by the Englishman, in Chronique de la Fiite de Mai 8, Prods, 
vol. v. p. 297. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 9. 

Proces, vol. i. p. 79, iii. pp. 8, 109, iv. pp. 61, 160, 231, 494. 

Dr. Dumas, in France, Vie de Jeanne cCArc, vol. ii. p. 460. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 9. 

Prods, vol. iv. p. 231. The accounts of the town give the wages of the 
men who brought the guns and so forth into Orleans by water. 

Prods, vol. iv. p. 164. 

Prods, vol. iii. pp. 29, 30 (Champeaux) ; Prods, vol. iv. p. 164 — no 





142, line ^. 


142, line 4. 


142, line 10. 


142, line 14. 


142, line 17. 


142, line 22. 


143, line 2. 

NOTES 353 

mention of Mass ; Prods, vol. iv. p. 232, as in Prods, vol. iii. 
pp. 29, 30. 

P. 143, line 4. Prods, vol. iii. p. 9. 

P. 143, line 18. Prods, vol. iv. p. 233. 

P. 143, line 24. Prods, vol. iv. p. 233. 

P. 144, line 6. Prods, vol. iv. pp. 165, 233, 234. 

P. 144, line 16. Prods, vol. v. p. 103. 

P. 144, line 25. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne cTArc, vol. i. p. 372 (cf. vol. i. 

pp. 316, 317, 335, 336, 339, 368). 

P. 145, line 7. Prods, vol. iv. p. 167 ; Chronique d 1 Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. 

pp. 36, 37 ; and notes of M. Lefevre-Pontalis. 

P. 145, line 9. Le Jouvencel, vol. ii. p. 67. 

P. 145, line 19. Chronique <f Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. pp. 37-39. 

P. 145, line 35. Lefevre-Pontalis, Chronique <? Antonio Morosini, vol. iv. pp. 316, 327. 

P. 146, line 9. Prods, vol. iv. p. 497. 

P. 146, line 27. Procks, vol. iii. pp. 298-306. 

P. 147, line 5. Gelu, Proems, vol. iii. pp. 408, 409. 

P. 147, line 17. Gelu, Prods, vol. iii. pp. 409, 410. 

P. 147, line 32. Nouveau Temoignage, etc., Boucher de Molandon, following Monsieur 

Leopold de Lisle, the discoverer of the note. Orleans, 1886. 

P. 148, line 13. Chronique d' 'Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. pp. 61-63. 

P. 148, line 15. Beaucroix, Prods, vol. iii. p. 80. 

P. 148, line 18. Dunois, Prods, vol. iii. pp. 11, 12. 

P. 149, line 17. M. Anatole France, who avers that " I have raised no doubts as to the 

sincerity of Jeanne. She cannot be suspected of falsehood ..." 
(France, i. pp. xxxviii, xxxix), says, " These eyes swimming in tears, 
this ravished air, so marvellous in the eyes of the Bastard, were no 
ecstasy, they were a feigned ecstasy. The scene was full of trickery 
and innocence ..." (France, vol. i. pp. 391, 392.) The honest 
truthful girl was, it seems, fraudulent ! The accusation is erroneous. 
Jeanne was answering a question, she blushed, was moved, and 
was in full consciousness of her surroundings. In ecstasy, the 
subject is, or, if fraudulent, feigns to be, wholly unconscious of 
all outward things. Also vol. i. p. xxiii, where the idea seems 
to be that Dunois erred or was misreported as to this incident. 
The anecdote of Dunois " would leave us to suppose that this young 
peasant girl was a clever impostor ; had given to the Lords, when 
requested, the spectacle of an ecstasy, like the Esther of the 
regretted Du Luys." 

P. 149, line 27. Prods, vol. iv. p. 1 and pp. 10, 11. De Cagny, however, is not well. 

informed as to the Maid before d'Alencon joined her in arms. He 
says, in any case, that at Chinon, in March 1429, she announced 
that she must release the Due d'Orleans from captivity, even if she 
went to seek him in England. At her Trial she declared that she 
"had many revelations" about him. Asked how she would have 
released him, she said by exchange for English prisoners, or, if 
that failed, by invading England (Jeanne, in Prods, vol. i. 
pp. 55, 133, 134, 254). The Saints told her absolutely "that she 
should succeed in this enterprise within three years." She added, 
" If I had lasted for three years, without impediment, I would have 






line 12. 



line 27 



line 17. 



line 4. 



line 9. 



line 13. 



line 18. 



line 30. 



line 34. 



line 17. 



line 22. 



line 25. 



line 33. 



line 34. 



line 4. 



line 6. 



line 18. 

set him free. But I had a shorter term than three years, and 
rather longer than a year," but " about this, at the moment, I do 
not well remember." 

All this is confusing, for d'Alencon sometimes heard her tell the 
king, "I will last but one year or little more" {Prods, iii. 99). 
This prediction seems to have been known, as we saw, to an 
Italian newswriter as early as June 1429, and it is impossible to tell 
how Jeanne reconciled the span of three years in which she was to 
deliver the Due d'Orleans with that of little more than a year 
which she knew was assigned to her. In any case, she made no 
attempt at her Trial to quibble or conceal the facts. We have not 
all the interrogatories, and the texts of the answers vary. 

Prods, vol. iii. pp. 12, 13. 

Prods, vol. v. pp. 105-111. 

France, vol. i. p. 405 ; Prods, vol. v. p. 108 (Laval). 

Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. p. 404. 

Le Journal du Sitge ; Prods, vol. iv. pp. 169, 170. 

Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 64. 

Le Journal du Sitge ; Prods, vol. iv. p. 170. 

France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. p. 73- 

Ibid. vol. ii. p. 57. 

Prods, vol. iii. pp. 119, 120. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 100. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 13. 

Quoted from M. Joseph Fabre, Le Mois de Jeanne a" Arc , Preface, p. 14 
et seq., by Dunand in Histoire Complete de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. 

• p. 340. 

Les E tapes de Jeanne d'Arc in Revue des deux Mondes, March I, 1848, 
pp. 151-178. 

France, vol. ii. p. 168. 

Ibid. vol. i. p. 435. 

I desire to express, once for all, my appreciation of a grudging and 
perfectly illogical criticism of Jeanne d'Arc in war. It is almost 
incredible that any man could aver, first that the Maid "was the 
chief because she was the best " ; that she understood war so well 
as "to fear that the chivalry of France would not fight a battle in 
her fashion"; that the King's advisers "neither believed in nor 
desired an end of the war : they meant to make war at the least 
possible risk and expense," — and then to maintain that the Maid 
understood nothing about war ; that she was used merely as 
an advertisement and luck-bringer ; that her advice was never 
listened to ; that it did not cause the march to Reims, thereby 
"greatly serving the Archbishop" ; also that she was listened to, 
that she did cause the march to Reims, and that this step was 
fatal ! See Anatole France, vol. i. pp. xlix, 73, 451-454, 536, 
ii. 187. 

Meanwhile, I have not found any criticism, in detail, of the 
Maid's military qualities, by professed military writers who are also 
close students of the Art of War as practised in the fifteenth century. 
In this respect the Jeanne d'Arc Guerriere of General Frederic 

NOTES 355 

Canonge (Paris, 1907) is somewhat disappointing. For example, he 
states the force of Talbot and Suffolk after the fall of the Tourelles 
at from 7000 to 8000 men (p. 27), whereas the closest analysis of 
documents does not enable us to put it above 3500. Capitaine 
Marin, too, attributes to Jeanne the strategy of the Oise campaign 
of 1430, whereas the Maid says herself that in most things she then 
merely took the advice of " the captains," of such experienced 
leaders as Saintrailles. 

P. 156, line 10. Le Journal du Siege, Proces, vol. iv. p. 170. 

P. 156, line 16. Process, vol. v. p. 262 ; Town Accounts. 

P. 157, line 4. D'Alencon, Prods, vol. iii. p. 94. 

P. 157, line 8. D'Alencon, Process, vol. iii. p. 95. 

P. 157, line 22. Le Journal dzc Siege, Proems, vol. iv. p. 171. 

P. 157, line 33. Prods, vol. i. pp. 79, 80. 

P. 157, line 35. De Cagny, Process, vol. iv. p. 12. 

P. 158, line 16. D'Alencon, Proces, vol. iii. p. 96. 

P. 158, line 28. Prods, vol. iii. p. 97. 

P. 158, line 29. Prods, vol. iv. pp. 45, 65, 173, 238. According to four chroniclers, 

Suffolk yielded to an esquire named Guillaume Regnault, 
first dubbing him a knight. These four witnesses are only one 
witness, each copying his predecessor. A contemporary, the 
town clerk of La Rochelle, says that Suffolk refused to surrender 
except to the Maid, " the bravest woman in the world, who must 
bring us all to confusion." Quicherat accepted this version, sup- 
posing that Suffolk's brother, John de la Pole, surrendered to 
Regnault. The ransom of Suffolk would have been a great prize 
to the Maid, who hoped, by collecting ransoms for prisoners, to 
release the Due d'Orleans from English captivity {Rev. Historique, 
vol. iv. pp. 332, 333). The earliest authority among the chroniclers 
for the surrender to Regnault is the Berry King of Arms, a herald ; 
and, as he wrote long after the events, we must judge between his 
evidence and the contemporary testimony of the town clerk of La 
Rochelle. Considering the English fear, contempt, and hatred of 
the Maid, we might expect her to be the last person to whom 
Suffolk would yield himself prisoner. 

P. 158, line 34. Le Journal du Siege, Prods, vol. iv. p. 173. M. France says that 

the quarrel which led to the slaughter of the prisoners was a dispute 
between the nobles and the common people. There is not a word 
to that effect in his only authority, Journal du Siege, as printed in 
Prods, vol. iv. p. 173 (France, vol. i. p. 415). 
Prods, vol. v. pp. 112, 114. 
Prods, vol. v. pp. 168, 169. 
De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. p. 13. 
Le Journal du Siege, Prods, vol. iv. p. 174 ; Chronique de la Pucelle, 

Prods, vol. iv. p. 240. 
Le Journal du Siige, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 174, 175. 

P. 159, line 34. Le Conn'etable de Richcmont, Cosneau, p. 163. 

P. 160, line 12. Collection des Mimoires, vol. viii. p. 406. Paris, 18 19. 

P. 160, line 14. Proch, vol. iv. p. 315. 

P. 161, line 13. Gruel, in Proces, vol. iv. pp. 316-318; Wavrin, accepted by M. 


159, line 7- 


159, line 10. 


159, line 15. 


159, line 18. 


159, line 26. 

356 NOTES 

Lefevre-Pontalis, Prods, vol. iv. p. 420; Morosini, vol. iii. 
p. 71, note 2. 
P. 162, line 2. D'Alencon, Prods, vol. iii. p. 98. 
P. 163, line 13. D'Alencon, Prods, vol. iii. p. 98. 

P. 163, line 23. The evidence here is rather confused, and it is uncertain whether or 

not the Maid cried for a charge. That is the opinion of 
M. France (France, vol. i. pp. 431-433), but the evidence of Dunois 
(Prods, vol. iii. p. 11) and of de Termes (Prods, vol. iii. p. 120) 
is perhaps adverse to his theory, and both men were present. 
M. France thinks that they are really speaking of June 17, and 
that seems the more probable occasion, but de Termes expressly 
speaks of the day of Pathay (June 18) and Dunois says that the 
English had heard of the surrender of Beaugency. Now they did 
not receive the news till June 18, (Wavrin, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 417, 
418). However, Dunois may not have been aware that on 
June 17 the English believed that Beaugency was holding out. 
In any case, June 17 is not Sunday, August 19, as M. France 
maintains (France, i. 431). Can he have been deceived by 
Shakespeare, who, in Henry VI, Part I, Act I, Scene I, makes 
the messenger date Pathay on August 10 ? Allowing for Old Style, 
Pathay would thus be on August 20, and the previous day would 
be August 19, as in M. France's work. But Shakespeare is not a 
good historical authority. The version in Journal du Siege, Prods, 
vol. iv. pp. 175, 176, increases the difficulties. 

P. 164, line 6. Wavrin, Prods, vol. iv. p. 420. 

P. 164, line 10. Prods, iv. 416. His words are, on June 17, " Les Francais furent 

advis de leur venue " (of the approach of the English) " eulz environ 
6000, dont esloient les chefs Jeanne la Pucelle," etc. Is eulz the 
English or the French? In Prods, iv. 419, Wavrin makes the 
French 12,000 or 13,000 combatants. 

P. 164, line 17. Wavrin, Prods, vol. iv. p. 420. 

P. 164, line 24. Dunois, Prods, vol. iii. pp. 10, 11 ; de Termes, vol. iii. p. 120. 

P. 164, line 32. Wavrin, Prods, vol. iv. p. 420 ; Monstrelet, ch. Ixi. (vol. v. p. 327) 

P. 165, line 2. Prods, vol. iii. p. 71. 

P. 165, line 17. Wavrin, Prods, vol. iv. p. 421. 

P. 166, line 21. Prods, vol. iv. pp. 423, 424. 

P. 166, line 30. D'Alencon, Prods, vol. iii. p. 99. 

P. 166, line 32. Fauquemberque, Prods, vol. iv. p. 453. 

P. 167, line 13. De Coutes, Prods, vol. iii. pp. 71, 72. So stupid is the once gracious 

page that he dates Jargeau after Pathay ! 

P. 167, line 28. Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, pp. 239-240 (Tuetey, 1881). 

P. 168, line 3. Monstrelet, v. pp. 332-334 (i860) ; Chronique de Morosini, vol. iii. 

p. 132. 

P. 168, line 6. Lettre de Jacques de Bourbon, Revue Bleue, Feb. 13, 1893. Quoted 

in Ay roles, La Libtratrice, pp. 367-372. 

P. 168, line 9. Excheqtier Rolls of Scotland, vol. iv. ciii, 466. 

P. 168, line 17. Rymer, Fcedera, x. pp. 424-426 (ed. 1710). 

P. 168, line 27. Rymer, Foedera, x. pp. 432, 433 (ed. 1710). 

P. 170, line 5. Le Journal du SUge (T OrUans , Prods, vol. iv. p. 178. 

P. 170, line S. Simon Charles, Prods, vol. iii. p. 116. 

NOTES 357 

P. 170, line 20. Gruel, Petitot's Mtmoires, viii. pp. 453-454; Journal du Siige 

a" Orleans, Prods, vol. iv. p. 178 ; Cosneau, La Connitable de 
Richemont, pp. 172-173. 
P. 170, line 24. Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 70, 71. 
P. 170, line 25. The vague story about Richemont's attempt to take the Maid from the 

King is given later. 
P. 171, line 3. Windecke, Prods, vol. iv. p. 498. 
P. 171, line 7. Chronique de la Pucelle, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 246, 247. 
P. 171, line 26. Dunois, Prods, vol. iii. pp. 12, 13. 

P. 171, line 30. For good or for evil, there would have been no march to Reims if the 

Maid, who announced it in June 1428, had not accomplished it in 
July 1429. It is not easy to assert at once that Jeanne d'Arc had no 
influence in the counsels of the Dauphin and the nobles, and also to 
maintain that her influence was great and mischievous (France, 
vol. i. pp. xlix. 453, 454). 
Cosneau, La Connitable, pp. 174-175. 
De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. p. 18. 
France, vol. i. p. 454. 
Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 71 ; Chronique de la Pucelle, Prods, vol. iv. 

p. 248. 
Reinach reviewing France in Revue Critique, March 19, 1908. 
Prods, vol. v. p. 125. 

Chronique oV Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. pp. 142, 143. 
Chartier, in Prods, vol. iv. p. 72. 
Le Journal du Stige d Orleans, Prods, vol. iv. p. 181. 
Monstrelet, lib. ii. ch. lxiii. (tome iv. p. 336). 
Jean Rogier, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 284-299. 
Simeon Luce, Jeanne o? Arc a Domremy, pp. ccxlvi-ccxlvii ; Jownal 

cfun Bourgeois de Paris (Tuetey), pp. 233-237. 
Le Journal du Siege d' Orleans, Prods, vol. iv. p. 182. 
Jean Rogier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 287. 
Jean Rogier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 288. 
Jean Rogier, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 289-290. 
Jean Rogier, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 295, 296. 

France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. p. 503, note 1.; S. Luce, Jeanne 
d'Arc a Domremy, pp. clxxiii-clxxiv, and notes ; Viriville, Charles 
vii, vol. ii. pp. viii-x. Some authority may style Madame d'Or 
a dwarf, Luce makes her a " gymnasiarque of incomparable 
athletic vigour." 
P. 177, line 21. Chronique d 'Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. p. 153, note 5 (cf. pp. 175- 

P. 177, line 25. Chartier, Le Journal du Sie~ge, Chronique de la Pucelle, Prods, vol. v. 

pp. 72, 181, 251 ; town clerk of la Rochelle ; Revue Historique, 
vol. iv. p. 341. 
P. 177, line 27. Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 73. 
P. 178, line 27. Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 76. 
P. 178, line 33. Dunois, Prods, vol. iii. pp. 13, 14. 
P. 179, line 3. Simon Charles, Prods, vol. iii. p. 1 17. 
P. 179, line 15. Dunois, Prods, vol. iii. p. 13. 
P. 179, line 27. Jeanne, Prods, vol. i. p. 100. 


171, line 35. 


172, line 9. 


172, line 16. 


172, line 20. 


172, line 31. 


172, line 33. 


173, line 3. 


173, line 21. 


173, line 22. 


173, line 25. 


174, line 4. 


174, line 20. 


174, line 27. 


175, line 2. 


175, line II. 


175, line 21. 


176, line 20. 


177, line 3. 



P. 180, line 2. Revue Historique, vol. iv. p. 342 ; town clerk of La Rochelle. 
P. 180, line 8. Proch, vol. i. p. 103. 
P. 180, line 18. Rogier, Process, vol. iv. pp. 297, 298. 
P. 180, line 19. Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 76, 77. 
P. 180, line 22. Process, vol. ii. p. 391. 
P. 180, line 30. Proces, vol. ii. p. 423. 
P. 180, line 35. Proch, vol. iv. p. 298. 
P. 181, line 3. Rogier, Proces, vol. iv. pp. 298, 299. 
P. 181, line 28. Proces, vol. i. p. 91. 
P. 181, line 35. La Vierge Guerrihe, p. 12. 

P. 182, line 7. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. i. p. 520, citing Proch, 

vol. i. p. 108, a passage which contains nothing on the subject. 
He also cites the right passage {Prods, vol. i. p. 91), but again adds 
his own legend, that Jeanne boasted of having given a crown, borne 
by angels, to the King, a crown which was sent to Reims (France, 
vol. ii. pp. 292, 293). 
P. 182, line 24. Chronique cC Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. pp. 161-163. 
P. 182, line 34. Proch, vol. i. p. 91. M. Vallet de Viriville supposes that a new rich 

crown was brought, but lagged behind with the heavy baggage 
{Charles VII, vol. ii. p. 96). 
P. 183, line 12. La Colombiere, Les Portraits des Hommes I/lustres, Paris, 1664 (cf. 

Dunand, Histoire Complete de Jeanne cCArc, vol. ii. p. 241, note 1). 
The thirteen gold pieces were struck for the occasion. 
P. 183, line 16. Compare Anatole France, vol. i. p. 521, whose account seems to be 

inaccurate, — the vase was not worth thirteen icusoVor, thirteen kus 
cTor were a separate gift, — with Jadart's Jeanne a* Arc a Reims, 
pp. 107-108, and Dunand's Histoire Complete de Jeanne cCArc, vol. ii. 
p. 241, note I, citing Leber, Des CMmonies de Sacre, p. 420). 
Letter of three gentlemen of Anjou, Prods, vol. v. pp. 127-131. 
Journal du Si£ge, Proch, vol. iv. p. 1 86 and note. 
Dunois, Proces, vol. iii. p. 16. 
Proces, vol. v. pp. 141, 266, 267. 
Proch, vol. v. p. 130. 
Proch, vol. iv. pp. 514-515. 
Proch, vol. v. pp. 126, 127. 
P. 188, line 17. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, p. 24, note 5 ; Stevenson, Letters and 

Papers, vol. ii. pt. i. p. 101. 
P. 188, line 24. fournal cCun Bourgeois de Paris (Tuetey), pp. 240-241. 
P. 188, line 26. Chronique d Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. p. 188, note 3. 
P. 188, line 27. Monstrelet, lib. ii. ch. lxii. (vol. ii. p. 334) ; Chronique a' Antonio 

Morosini, p. 189, note 6. 
P. 188, line 33. Guillaume de Flavy, pp. 141, 151, 152. 
P. 189, line 2. Cf. Lefevre-Pontalis, Chronique d? Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. p. 193, 

note 2. 
P. 189, line 5. De Cagny, Proch, vol. iv. p. 20. 
P. 189, line 6. Proch, vol. iv. p. 20. 
P. 189, line 26. Proch, vol. v. pp. 138, 139. 
P. 189, line 30. Chronique o? Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. p. 202, note 1 ; de Cagny, 

Proch, vol. iv. p. 21. 
P. 189, line 34. Prods, vol. v. pp. 139, 140. 


184, line 10. 


184, line 20. 


184, line 25. 


185, line 29. 


187, line 7. 


187, line n. 


188, line 1. 

NOTES 359 

Prods, vol. v. pp. 139, 140. 

Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. ii. pp. 3, 4. 

Windecke, Prods, vol. iv. p. 500. 

Diary of Fauquemberque, Prods, vol. iv. p. 453. 

Jadart, Jeanne cF Arc a Reims, p. 118 (1887, Reims). 

Journal dun Bourgeois de Paris (Tuetey), p. 243. 

Fauquemberque, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 453, 454. 

Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 79 ; Le Journal du Siige, Prods, 
vol. iv. p. 188. 

Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 79. 

De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. p. 21 ; Dunois, Prods, vol. iii. p. 14. 

Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d? Arc, vol. ii. pp. 11-12. 

Dunois, Prods, vol. iii. pp. 14, 15. 

Monstrelet, lib. ii. ch. lxv. (tome iv. pp. 340-344). 

Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne cTArc, vol. ii. p. 22. 

Bib. Colt. Titus E.v. f. 372. 

De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. p. 21. 

Monstrelet, lib. ii. ch. lxvi. (tome iv. p. 346). 

De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 22, 23 ; with less detail, Le Journal 
duSitge, Prods, vol. iv. p. 190 ; Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 81-84. 

Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d 'Arc, vol. ii. pp. 25, 26. 

Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 85. 

Le Joxirnal du Sitge, Prods, vol. iv. p. 196 ; Champion, Guillaume 
de Flavy, p. 26, note 3. 

De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. p. 24. 

Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. ii. pp. 41-47 ; Proces, 
vol. i. p. 82. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 82, 83. 

De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. p. 24. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 103. 

De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. p. 25. 

De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 25, 26. 

Extrait (Tune Mimoire a Consulter sur Guillaume de Flavy, Prods, 
vol. v. p. 174. 
P. 199, line 33. For details and authorities see Lefevre-Pontalis, Chronique cP Antonio 

Morosini, vol. iv. pp. 332-350 ; Quicherat, Nouvelles Preuves des 
Trahisons Essuyies par la Pucelle, in Revue de la Normandie, 
VI, June 30, 1866, pp. 396-440 ; Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, 
p. 29. 
P. 199, line 34. Lefevre-Pontalis, Chronique d? Antonio Morosini, vol. iv. p. 344. 
P. 200, line 3. Monstrelet, lib. ii. ch. lxx. (tome iv. p. 354). 
P. 200, line 14. Lefevre-Pontalis, Chronique d Antonio Morosini, vol. iv. p. 346. 
P. 200, line 24. Prods, vol. i. p. 234. 

P. 200, line 30. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d Arc, vol. ii. p. 60. 
P. 200, line 35. Journal d 'un Bourgeois de Paris (Tuetey), p. 247, note 5. 
P. 202, line 8. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d 'Arc, vol. ii. p. 73- 
P. 202, line 13. Prods, vol. iv. pp. 454, 455 (Fauquemberque). 
P. 202, line 18. Prods, vol. iv. p. 456 (Fauquemberque). 
P. 202, line 22. Journal (Pun Bourgeois de Paris, Prods, vol. iv. p. 464. 
P. 203, line 7. De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. p. 28. 



line 22. 



line 2. 



line 3. 



line 10. 



line 16. 



line 25. 



line 31. 



line 35. 



line 5- 



line 9. 



line 14. 



line 4. 



line 5. 



line 13. 



line 23. 



line 3. 



line 24. 



line 28. 



line 7. 



line 26. 



line 33. 



line 5. 



line 27. 



line 12. 



line 21. 



line 35. 



line 4. 



line 10. 



line 25. 



p. 203, 

P. 204, 
P. 20S, 
P. 205, 
P. 20S, 
P. 206, 
P. 206, 
P. 206, 
P. 207, 
P. 207, 
P. 207, 

line 23. 
line 9. 
line 12. 
line 2}. 
line 32. 
line 1. 
line 10. 
line 34. 
line 6. 
line 14. 
line 21. 

P. 207, line 28. 
P. 207, line 31. 
P. 208, line 7. 

P. 209, line 7. 
P. 209, line 20. 
P. 209, line 26. 

P. 210, line 5. 
P. 210, line 11. 

P. 210, line 13. 
P. 210, line 31. 
P. 211, line 3. 
P. 211, line 30. 

P. 212, line 7 
P. 212, line 9 
P. 212, line 19 
P. 213, line 8 
P. 214, line 29 
P. 214, line 34 
P. 215, line 23 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 146, 147. 

Fauquemberque, Proch y vol. iv. p. 460. 

Fauquemberque, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 458-460. 

Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 86. 

Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 87. 

Le Journal du Siege, Prods, vol. iv. p. 199. 

Barbour, Bruce, bk. ix. lines 352-356 and lines 380-389. 
Journal du Bourgeois de Paris, Prods, vol. iv. p. 465. 

De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. p. 27. 

Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, Prods, vol. iv. p. 466. 
Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, Prods, vol. iv. p. 466. A con- 
temporary account, in Arch. Nat. Sect. Hist., LL 216 fo. 173, 
avers that the French had threatened to make a general massacre 
in Paris. The assault began about one o'clock in the afternoon, 
and was vigorously pushed, totis viribus, till midnight. A few 
Englishmen and others were wounded, and very few were killed. 
The losses of the French were great, but they were said to have 
burned their dead. The writer thinks that they withdrew because the 
Maid was wounded (Luce, Jeanne d'Arc a Domremy, pp. 257, 258). 

Prods, vol. iv. p. 87. 

Chroniqueur Normand, i. ; Prods, vol. iv. p. 342. 

Deliberation du Chapitre de Notre Dame, in Journal d'un Bourgeois 
de Paris (Tuetey), p. 244, note 1 . 

Proch, vol. iii. p. 16. 

De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. p. 27. 

Lefevre-Pontalis, " Un detail du Siege de Paris," Bibliothique de 
PEcole des Chartes, vol. xlvi. p. 12. 

De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. p. 29. 

Chartier, Prods, vol. iv. p. 93. De Coutes, Prods, vol. iii. p. 73, at 
Chateau Thierry, she pursued a woman with her sword, but did 
not strike her. D'Alencon says that she broke a sword on a girl at 
St. Denys : he was an eye-witness {Process, vol. iii. p. 99 ; Chartier, 
Proch, vol. iv. p. 71). The king was grieved, and said that she 
should have used a stick. 

Proch, vol. i. p. 77* 

Rymer, Fcedera, x. p. 408 ; Prods, vol. v. pp. 136, 137. 

Cotton MSS Titus E.v. ff. 372, 373. 

I gave this correct account of Bedford's letter before observing that the 
Abbe Henri Debout, after vainly searching for the letter in our 
archives, was directed to it by Mr. J. M. Stone (cf. Debout, Jeanne 
d'Arc et les Archives Anglaises, 1895, Appreciation du Due de 
Bedford, etc.) 

De Cagny, Proch, vol. iv. pp. 29, 30. 

Martial d'Auvergne, Proch, vol. v. p. 71. 

Prods, vol. iv. pp. 29, 30. 

Quicherat, Apercus Nouveaux, p. 35. 

Proch, vol. iii. pp. 85-88. 

De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles vu, vol. ii. p. 265. 

Quicherat, Rodrique de Villandrando, p. 58 ; citing MS. Chronique des 

NOTES 361 

P. 215, line 32. For these worthies see Lowell, Joan of Arc ; pp. 183, 184. 

P. 216, line 1. Prods, vol. v. pp. 356-357. 

P. 216, line 4. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne a" Arc, vol. ii. p. 94. 

P. 216, line 9. The people of Moulins were then taxed for supplies. Ayroles, La 

Vraie Jeanne a" Arc, vol. iv. p. 403 ; Town Accounts of Moulins. 

P. 216, line 13. Ayroles, vol. iv. ; La Vierge Guerriire, p. 402. 

P. 216, line 34. Prods, vol. iii. pp. 217, 218. 

P. 217, line 22. Histoire de Mire Colette, pp. 337-339, in Luce, Jeanne d'Arc a 

Domretny, cclxxix, cclxxx. 

P. 217, line 28. Prods, vol. v. pp. 147, 148. 

P. 217, line 29. F. Perot, Bulletin de la Socie'te" Arch, de VOrUanais, vol. xii. p. 231 ; 

Un Document stir Jeanne d'Arc. 

P. 217, line 35. Prods, vol. v. pp. 270-272; Villaret, Campagne des Anglais, p. 159. 

P. 218, line 5. Proces, vol. v. pp. 356, 357. 

P. 218, line 9. Berri, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 48, 49. 

P. 218, line 10. Villaret, Campagne des Anglais, pp. ill, 112. 

P. 218, line 13. De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, vol. ii. p. 239 (cf. Prods, 

vol. iv. pp. 31, 49). 

P. 218, line 17. V. de Viriville, Charles VII, vol. ii. p. 126. M. de Viriville says 

that the purchase of La Charite with the 1300 gold crowns of 
Bourges is proved by "a special document." He cites Biographie 
Michaud, Guillaume de Bastard, but does not give the document, 
for the excellent reason that no such document is quoted either 
in the Biographie Michaud or in the Ginialogie de la Maison 
de Bastard. 

P. 218, line 30. Prods, vol. i. p. 109. 

P. 218, line 32. Prods, vol. i. pp. 147, 168, 169. 

P. 218, line 35. Prods, vol. i. p. 298. 

P. 219, line 4. Prods, vol. iii. p. 16. 

P. 219, line 9. Prods, vol. i. pp. 295, 296. 

P. 219, line 33. Prods, vol. i. pp. 106-109. 

P. 220, line 11. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. ii. p. 97; citing Prods, 

vol. ii. p. 450. By way of proof that Brother Richard indoctrinated 
the Maid, we are referred to a passage in which Des Ourches says 
that she, the Due de Clermont, and d'Alencon confessed to the 
Brother at Senlis ! 
Journal a" un Bourgeois de Paris (Tuetey), pp. 270-272. 
Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne oV Arc, vol. ii. pp. 108, 109. 
Prods, vol. v. pp. 150-154. Passed the Seals on January 6, 1430. 
Prods, vol. i. p. 1 17. 

De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles vn, vol. ii. pp. 263, 264. 
De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, vol. ii. p. 270 ; quoting 
Arrets de Parlement, May 8, 143 1. For La Tremoille's financings 
see Les La Trimoille, vol. i. pp. 136-172. 
De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, vol. ii. pp. 254, 255. 
Town Accounts ; Prods, vol. v. p. 270. 
Prods, vol. v. pp. 154-156, 271. 

P. 223, line 10. Jules Doissel, Note sur une Maison de Jeanne d'Arc {Mem. de la Soc. 

Arch, ei Hist, de POrlians, vol. xv. pp. 494-500). 

P. 223, line 17. Prods, vol. i. p. 295. 



line 19. 



line 5. 



line 24. 



line 29. 



line 13. 



line 20. 



line 26. 



line 5. 



line 8. 

362 NOTES 

P. 223, line 20. Lefevre-Pontalis, Chronique oV Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. p. 268. 

P. 223, line 26. Proch, vol. v. p. 160. 

P. 224, line 3. Rymer, Fcedera, vol. x. p. 454 (1710), March 9, 1430-1431. 

P. 224, line 12. Appriciation du Due de Bedford sur Jeanne cCArc, by the Abbe Henri 

Debout, p. 29. Paris (no date), 1895. 
P. 224, line 19. Chronique d? Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. pp. 274, 275, notes 1-3 ; 

Journal (Tun Bourgeois de Paris, pp. 251-253 (Tuetey) ; Stevenson, 

Letters and Papers, vol. i. pp. 34-50. 
P. 224, line 30. Boucher de Molandon, Jacques Boucher. Orleans, 1889. {Mimoires 

de la Soc. Arch. d? Orleans, tome xxii. pp. 373-498.) 
P. 224, line 35. The date of this letter is given by Quicherat {Proch, v. 156, 159) as 

March 3. The right date is taken from Th. de Sickel, Bibliothtque 

de rEcole des Chartes, Third Series, vol. ii. p. 81 (France, vol. 

ii. p. 127). 
P. 225, line 9. Proch, vol. v. pp. 161, 162. 
P. 225, line 31. Journal cPun Bourgeois de Paris (Tuetey), p. 248. About Oct. 8, 

P. 227, line 10. Document in Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, pp. 155-160. 
P. 227, line 16. De Cagny, Proch, vol. iv. p. 32. 

P. 227, line 23. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne cFArc, vol. ii. pp. 134, 135. 
P. 227, line 30. De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, vol. ii. p. 293, note 3 ; 

Les La Trtmoille, vol. i. p. 196. 
P. 227, line 35. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, pp. 37, 38 ; de Cagny, Proch, vol. iv. 

P- 32. 

P. 228, line 3. Chartier, Proch, vol. iv. p. 91 ; Martial d'Auvergne, Proch, vol. v. 

p. 72. 

P. 228, line 4. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, p. 44. 

P. 228, line 30. Proch, vol. i. pp. 253, 254. 

P. 229, line 7. De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, vol. ii. p. 35, note 2. 

P. 229, line 13. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, p. 158, note 2. M. France, on the 

other hand, asks, " Did the town refuse to receive her and her 
company ? This appears to have been the case. . . . What dis- 
grace befell her at the gates of the town ? Was she beaten by a 
troop of Burgundians ? We know nothing" (France, vol. ii. p. 138). 
M. Lefevre-Pontalis held the same view (1901) before the publica- 
tion of M. Champion's document (1906) (Morosini, vol. iii. p. 295, 
note 5). 

P. 229, line 18. De Cagny, Proch, vol. iv. p. 32. 

P. 229, line 26. Proch, vol. iv. p. 91. 

P. 229, line 34. Monstrelet, lib. ii. ch. lxxxiv. (tome iv. p. 384). 

P. 230, line 18. Proch, vol. i. pp. 158, 159. Here for "Burgundian writers" read 

"an English writer." 

P. 230, line 26. Proch, vol. i. pp. 77, 78. 

P. 230, line 33. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d* Arc , vol. ii. pp. 151, 152. 

P. 231, line 27. Mrs. Parsons, Life of St. Colette, pp. 169-171. 

P. 232, line 9. Proch, vol. i. pp. 105, 106. 

P. 233, line 4. Proch, vol i. p. 147. 

P. 233, line 7. Proch, vol. i. p. 147. 

P. 233, line 13. Miracles of Madame St. Catherine of Fierbois, Lang, pp. 115, 116; 

Proch , vol. v. pp. 164, 165. 

NOTES 363 

P. 233, line 17. Town documents of Senlis, in Chroniqtie 0? Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. 

p. 295, note 5. 

P. 234, line 2. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, pp. 151-154; Charles vn to the 

Duke of Savoy, Savoy State Papers. 

P. 234, line 7. Prods, vol. v. pp. 139, 140. 

P. 234, line 19. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, pp. 166-168. Charles to the town of 

Reims, May 6, 1430. 

P. 235, line 5. Capitaine Marin, Jeanne d'Arc, Tacticien et Strati giste, pp. 69-76. 

P. 235, line 25. For ' ' May 13 " read " May 14," following M. Champion. 

P. 235, line 28. Sorel, La Prise de Jeanne d'Arc a Compiigne, p. 145, note 3. 

P. 236, line 3. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, pp. 39, 40 (cf. pp. 162, 163) ; 

Chronique Anonyme. Monstrelet, lib. ii. ch. lxxxiii. (tome iv. 
pp. 381-384). 

P. 236, line 21. Berri, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 49, 50. 

P. 236, line 25. Champion, Guillaume de Flavy, p. 42, note 2, and p. 168. 

P. 236, line 31. Process, vol. i. p. 273. 

P. 236, line 35. Berri, Prods, vol. iv. p. 50. 

P. 237, line 20. De Cagny, Process, vol. iv. pp. 32, 33. 

P. 238, line 3. Proems, vol. i. p. 116. 

P. 238, line 6. See Bouchart in Guillaume de Flavy, pp. 283, 284, and notes. 

P. 238, line 16. Prods, vol. v. p. 166. 

P. 238, line 23. Monstrelet, lib. ii. ch. lxxxiii. 

P. 239, line 3. Chastellain, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 443, 444. 

P. 239, line 4. Prods, vol. i. p. 298. 

P. 239, line 7. Prods, vol. i. pp. 114-116. 

P. 239, line 13. Monstrelet, lib. ii. ch. lxxxvi. 

P. 239, line 17. Extrait d'une Memoire, Prods, vol. v. pp. 176, 177. 

P. 239, line 30. Chastellain, Prods, vol. iv. p. 445. 

P. 240, line 1. Chastellain, Prods, vol. iv. p. 446. 

P. 240, line 5. Prods, vol. i. p. 116. 

P. 240, line 16. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. ii. p. 170. 

P. 240, line 20. Monstrelet, she set forth at 5 p.m. Burgundy reports entour six heures 

(Guillaume de Flavy, p. 170). 

P. 241, line 3. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d' Arc, vol. ii. p. 173. 

P. 241, line 6. Prods, vol. i. p. 47. 

P. 241, line 9. Prods, vol. iv. p. 34. 

P. 241, line 17. Prods, vol. v. p. 177. 

P. 241, line 22. Prods, vol. v. p. 167. 

P. 242, line 6. Monstrelet, lib. ii. ch. lxxxvi. 

P. 242, line 10. Sorel, La Prise de Jeanne d'Arc a, Compiegne, pp. 211-214. 

P. 242, line 15. Jean de Luxembourg was most certainly in English pay, and 

he, under the Anglicised name of John Lusshingburgh had 
a grant made to him of five hundred livres d'or in the ninth year 
of Henry vi (Bibl. Cotton Cleopatra, F. iv. f. 52 v.). Cited in 
Jeanne d'Arc et les Archives Anglaises, pp. 20, 21, by the Abbe 
Henri Debout. "Lusshingburgh," on May 13, 8 Henry vi, 
appears as " Dominus Johannes de Lucemburgh." 

P. 242, line 25. Prods, vol. i. pp. 12, 13. 

P. 243, line 4. Prods, vol. i. p. 9. 

P. 243, line 25. See the prayers in Sorel, La Prise de Jeanne d'Arc, pp. 344, 345. 

364 NOTES 

P. 243, line 30. Ibid. p. 345. 
P. 244, line 17. Prods, vol. v. pp. 168, 169. 

P. 244, line 33. Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. ii. p. 185, note 2 ; citing 

Vita Jacobi Gilu ab ipso conscripta, in Bulletin de la Society 
Archiologique de Touraine, iii. pp. 266 et seq. 1867. 
P. 245, line 3. De Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles vn, vol. ii. pp. 251-255. The 

attempts to find hints that Charles wrote to the Pope, or that he 
intended to attempt a rescue, are of the most shadowy. In a Latin 
poem of 1 5 16, an epic on the Maid, the author, Valeran Varanius, 
versifies a letter which he says that the king wrote long afterwards 
to Pope Calixtus III. The poet made use of the MSS of the two 
Trials, 143 1, 1 450- 1 456, but we have no proof that the passage 
from the letter to the Pope was genuine. Again, in March 1 43 1, 
Dunois was ordered to betake himself to Louviers, within twenty 
miles of Rouen, then held by La Hire, " to resist the English, who 
are there in great force." La Hire capitulated shortly after Jeanne 
was burned, Dunois could not or did not succour Louviers, and 
nowhere is there a hint that he attempted anything against Rouen. 
De Cagny, Prods, vol. iv. p. 35. 
Prods, vol. i. p. 163. 
Prods, vol. i. p. 14. 
Varanius, Prods, vol. v. p. 84. 

Lefevre-Pontalis, Chronique d^ Antonio Morosini, vol. iii. pp. 301-303. 
Ibid. p. 300, note 4. 
Prods, vol. i. pp. 95, 231. 
Prods, vol. i. p. 231. 
Prods, vol. iii. pp. 120-123. 
Prods, vol. i. pp. 150-153. 

Lefevre-Pontalis, Chronique d' Antonio Morosini, vol. iv. Annexe 21. 
Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris (Tuetey), pp. 259, 260. 
Journal (fun Bourgeois de Paris (Tuetey), p. 271. 
Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d 1 'Arc, vol. ii. pp. 213, 400. 
y£sch, Choceph., p. 978. 

Lefevre-Pontalis, Chronique cTAntonio Morosini, vol. iii. p. 185, 

note 3 ; citing Hennebert, Une lettre de Jeanne d'Arc aux Tour- 

naisiens, in Arch. Hist, et Litt. du nord de la France, New 

Series, vol. i. p. 525. 1837. 

P. 250, line 12. M. France quotes, in proof of the generosity of Tournai, Prods, i. 95, 

96, 231, in which there is not the most distant allusion to the 
matter. Also Chanoine Henri Debout, Jeanne d' Arc prisonniire i\ 
Arras, and other works by the learned Canon (France, ii. 219, 
note 1). 
P. 250, line 19. Prods, vol. v. p. 194. 
P. 250, line 30. Prods, vol. i. pp. 290, 291. 
P. 251, line 5. Prods, vol. v. p. 179. 
P. 251, line 10. Prods, vol. v. p. 192. 
P. 251, line 13. Prods, vol. v. pp. 360, 363. 
P. 251, line 23. Prods, vol. iii. p. 121. 
P. 251, line 30. Prods, vol. i. pp. 15—17- 
P. 252, line 1. De la Pierre, Prods, vol. ii. p. 302. 


245, line 15. 


246, line 3. 


246, line 18. 


247, line 12. 


247, line 15. 


247, line 18. 


247, line 25. 


247, line 34. 


248, line 6. 


249, line 17. 


249, line 21. 


249, line 30. 


249, line 32. 


249, line 35. 


250, line 5. 


250, line 10. 



p. 252, 1 
p. 252, 1 
p. 252, 1 
p. 252, 1 
p. 252, 1 
p. 253, 1 
p. 253, 1 

P. 253, 1 
P. 254, 1 
P. 255, 1 

ne 7. 
ne 15. 
ne 18. 
ne 27. 
ne 30. 
ne 2. 
ne 5. 
ne 27. 
ne 16. 
ne 32. 

P. 256, line 6. 
P. 256, line 22. 

P. 256, line 29. 
P. 256, line 31. 



line 4. 



line 6. 



line 19. 



line 22. 



line 28. 



line 6. 



line 25. 



line I. 



line 4. 



, line 19. 



, line 35. 



line 5. 



line 14. 



line 20. 



line 22. 



line 24. 



line 30. 



line 23. 



line 28. 



line 32. 

Cusquel, Prods, vol. ii. p. 306, vol. iii. p. 180. 

Courcelles, Prods, vol. iii. p. 59. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 161. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 122. 

Massieu, Prods, vol. iii. p. 154, vol. ii. p. 18; Daron, iii. p. 200. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 47. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 18, 19. 

Roxburghe Club, 1908. 

Mackenzie, Scottish Law in Matters Criminal. 1678. 

See, for fables of witnesses in 1450-1456, Ch. de Beaurepaire, 
Recherches sitr la Prods de Condamnation de Jeanne cTArc, 
pp. 103-119. Rouen, 1869. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 33, 34. 

Tractatus de Hceresi pauperum de Lugduno, from Martene, Thesaurus 
anecd., vol. v. col. 1787, quoted in Apercus Nouveaux, pp. 131, 132. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 60; Manchon, p. 141. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 162 ; Beaurepaire, Notes stir les Juges, etc., pp. 81, 
82. Rouen, 1890. The tales about the evil deaths of the Judges 
are folklore. 

Prods, vol. ii. p. 13. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 162. 

Apercus Nouveaux, pp. 103, 104. 

Prods, vol. ii. p. 15. 

Apercus Nouveaux, p. 104. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 30, note 3. His evidence, Prods, vol. iii. pp. 56-62. 

Oratio Curcelli. De Gestis Joanna, lib. iv. Valeran Varanius. 

Prods, vol. v. pp. 197, 200, 209. 

Apercus Nouveaux, p. 107. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 58. 

Prods, vol. ii. pp. II, 12, vol. iii. p. 50. 

Houppeville, Prods, vol. iii. p. 171. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 27. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 31, 32, vol. iii. p. 57. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 136. 

Apercus Nouveaux, p. 120. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 204-323. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 43. 

Rogier, Prods, vol. v. pp. 168, 169. 

Quicherat avers in his Apercus Nouveaux (p. 109) that it was unjust 
to refuse the aid of counsel to Jeanne, but that the refusal was 
justified by the procedure in the case of heretics. The Chanoine 
Dunand argues that Quicherat misquotes and misinterprets a 
Decretal of Clement v (1307). See Dunand, Etudes Critiques, 
Third Series, pp. 339-340, with his documents, pp. 470-476, and his 
Jeanne cTArc et FE-glise, pp. 104, 106. Eymeric's Directorium 
Inquisitorum, Pars ii. cap. xi, Pars iii. p. 365, with Pegna's 
Commentary (Rome, 1578), may also be consulted. See, too, 
Pars iii. p. 295. The evidence is that, in the century after 
Jeanne's death, counsel must on no account be refused. In his 
Histoire des Tribunaux de V Inquisition en France, p. 400 

3 66 


p. 262, 
p. 263, 
p. 263, 
p. 263, 



p. 265, 























































line 19. 
line 3. 
line 14. 
line 17. 
line I. 
line 8. 
line 34. 
line 6. 
line 32. 

line 24. 
line 4. 
line 31. 
line 5. 
line 21. 
line 29. 
line 6. 
line 26. 
line 4. 

line 17. 
line 31. 
line 18. 
line 8. 
line 12. 
line 24. 
line 6. 
line 18. 
line 20. 
line 34. 
line 5. 
line 15. 
line 35. 
line 3. 
line 17. 
line 24. 
line 34. 
line 4. 

et seq., L. Tanon argues, from a decree of Innocent in, that no 
counsel was allowed to heretics. The interpretation of this decree 
by Pegna (1578) is denounced as " a platonic homage to the rights of 
the accused." Tanon says that, in records, no counsel for the 
accused is to be found. For the opposite view see Dunand as 
quoted above. Anatole France, vol ii. p. 329, follows Tanon. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 45, 46. 

Manchon, Proems, vol. hi. pp. 135, 136. 

Prods, vol. ii. pp. 15, 16. 

Beaurepaire, Recherches sur le Proces, p. 115. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 62. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 65. 

Prods, vol. iii. pp. 46-49. 

Prods, vol. iii. pp. 50-52. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 84 ; De Bourbon- Lignieres, Etude sur Jeanne if Arc, 
pp. 252, 253 (cf. Prods, vol. i. p. 252, where the phrase et quod 
perdent totum in Francia is textually repeated). 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 80-91. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 97. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 91-112. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 113-122. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 128, 129. 

La Vraie Jeanne d' 'Arc ; vol. ii. pp. 166, 167. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 130. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 155. 

Life and Martyrdom of Saint Katherine of Alexandria. 
Club, 1884. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 155, 156. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 159. 

Dunand, Jeanne cTArc, vol. iii. p. 159. 


Prods, vol. 
Prods, vol. 
Prods, vol. 
Prods, vol. 
Prods, vol. 
Dunand, Jea 
Prods, vol. 
Process, vol. 
Prods, vol. 
Prods, vol. 
Prods, vol. 
Prods, vol. 
Prods, vol. 

p. 162. 

pp. 164-166. 

p. 174. 

pp. 175-177. 
pp. 184-186. 
me d Arc, vol. iii. p. 173. 
p. 196. 
pp. 198-200. 
p. 219. 
p. 304. 

P- 317- 

p. 205, note. 

p. 196. 

De la Pierre, Proces, vol. ii. pp. 4, 5. 

Manchon, the clerk (Prods, ii. 13), tells a similar story of the advice 
given by de la Pierre, Ladvenu, and de la Fontaine, to submit to 
the Council, and says that Jeanne did appeal, on the following day. 
But he alters the circumstances ; the advice was given in private, 
in the cell of the Maid. Cauchon discovered her counsellors, de 
la Fontaine had to fly, the others were in great danger of death. 

p. 276, 

line 16. 

p. 276, 

line 19. 

p. 277, 

line 15. 

p. 278, 

line 2. 

p. 278, 

line 6. 

p. 278, 

line 11. 

p. 278, 

line 12. 

p. 278, 

line 28. 

p. 278, 

line 31. 

p. 278, 

line 33. 

p. 279, 

line 5. 

p. 279, 

line 10. 

p. 280, 

line 22. 

p. 281, 

line 9. 

p. 281, 

line 13. 

p. 282, 

line 9. 

p. 283, 

line 30. 

p. 284, 

line 23. 

p. 284, 

line 26. 

p. 285, 

line 1. 

p. 285, 

line 3. 

p. 285, 

line 18. 

p. 285, 

line 30. 

p. 285, 

line 34. 

p. 286, 

line 7. 

P. 286, 

line 12. 

P. 287, 

line 24. 

P. 288, 

line x. 

P. 288, 

line 10. 

































NOTES 367 

On a later occasion (Prods, ii. 343) Manchon absolutely cor- 
roborated de la Pierre. Manchon did not say that he had omitted 
Jeanne's appeal, but the words " ct requiert . . " prove that 
he did. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 205. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 279, 280. 
line 15. Ayroles, La Pucelle devant FEglise de son Temps, p. 225. 

Ibid., p. 227 ; Prods, vol. i. p. 445. 

Ayroles, ut supra, p. 285. 

Ayroles, ut supra, p. 516. 

Ayroles, ut supra, p. 522. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 60, vol. i. pp. 326, 327. 

Prods, vol. ii. p. 222 ; opinion of de Leliis, vol. ii. p. 22. 

Apercus Nouveaux, p. 1 29. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 328. 

Prods, vol. ii. pp. 201, 217. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 328, 336. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 337, 338. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 339, 340. 

The Rouen Cathedral Register ; Prods, vol. i. p. 353, note 1. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 374-381. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 381-399. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 353-355. 

Mackenzie of Rosehaugh, Scottish Law in Matters Criminal (1678). 

Lea, History of the Inquisition in Spain, vol. ii. p. 581 and vol. iii. 
pp. 27, 29. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 399-402. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 402-404. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 409. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 414-417. 

Prods, vol. i. p. 418. 

Process, vol. i. pp. 439-441. 

Prods, vol. ii. pp. 20, 21. 

Prods, vol. ii. p. 17 (Massieu). In this place Massieu, in 1450, 
declares that a " schedule of articles " was read by Erard to Jeanne ; 
that she abjured them (the sins imputed to her), and signed with 
a cross "before she left the place." It was later, in 1456, that 
he spoke of the schedule as very brief — some eight lines (Prods, 
iii. 156). No one could gather this from his earlier evidence 
of 1450. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 442-450. 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 447-448. 

Bouchier, Prods, vol. ii. p. 323. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 157. 

Prods, vol. ii. p. 355 ; Marcel, on hearsay, Prods, vol. iii. p. 90 ; 
Manchon, Prods, vol. iii. p. 147 ; Massieu, vol. iii. pp. 156, 157 ; 
Migiet, Prods, vol. ii. p. 361. 

Prods, vol. ii. p. 356, vol. iii. p. 178. 

De la Chambre, Prods, vol. iii. p. 55. 

Prods, vol. ii. p. 376. 


P. 290, line 25 
P. 290, line 29 
P. 290, line 35 
P. 291, line 5 
P. 291, line 11 
P. 291, line 13 
P. 293, line 2 

P. 293, line 10. 

P. 294, line 4. 
P. 294, line 24. 

P. 294, line 30. 


Massieu, Prods, vol. ii. pp. 17, 331. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 156. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 61. 

Prods, vol. iii. p. 52. 

Prods, vol. iii. pp. 146- 1 47. 

Proems, vol. iii. p. 197- 

The best argument on this point is that of Chanoine Dunand in his 
Jeanne d? Arc et l ' Eglise, pp. 220-229, where the documents are 
translated (see also pp. 1 71-177). As to the form of abjuration, 
M. Anatole France asserts positively that it was the brief document 
sworn to by the witnesses in the Trial of Rehabilitation, and that 
it contained the confession that she had "seduced the people." 
He does not aver that Jeanne repeated and signed the long formula 
(France, vol. ii. p. 366). " She submitted to the Church, con- 
fessed that she had been guilty of treason, and of misleading the 
people, and promised not to wear arms, male dress, and short hair." 
I can find nothing about confessions of treason in the references 
given {Prods, vol. iii. pp. 52, 65, 132, 156-197). Father 
Wyndham observes that "He who reads only the Prods de Con- 
damnation would never suspect there had been any schedule but 
the long one, and he who reads only M. France's book would never 
imagine that there had been any schedule but the short one ; M. 
France has entirely suppressed the long one" (Dublin Review, 
pp. 105, 106, July 1908). M. Anatole France (vol. ii. p. 381) 
entirely mistranslates the verdict of the Abbe of Fecamp, in Prods, 
vol. i. p. 463, representing the Abbe as saying that the long 
formula "has been read to" Jeanne, with other errors in constru- 
ing a very easy piece of Latin. Nor are errors avoided in the 
translation of the Dublin Review of January 1891, quoted without 
correction by Father Wyndham, ut supra. 

Dunand, La Ligende Anglaise de Jeanne d'Arc, p. 72. Toulouse, 

Prods, vol. i. pp. 456, 457. 

Apercus Nouveaux, p. 136. Quicherat's theory is that a full abjuration 
was crammed into a few lines, while the long paper was padded out 
with legal and theological verbiage. But the confession simply 
cannot be reduced to the brevity of the short formula. 

That her Voices were distinctly audible in the scene on the scaffold 
proves, once for all, that they were independent of, though they 
may have been favoured by, the sound of bells and other audible 
points de reph-e. As it is only too possible to introduce the 
ludicrous into the deepest of tragedies, M. France's printer has it 
that when she was on the scaffold "The Voices rose to her, 
insistent : ' Jeanne, we have such great pity for you ! You must 
revoke what you have said, or we must deliver you over to secular 
justice. . . Jeanne, do as you are bid. Do you desire your own 
death ? ' " (France, Vie de Jeanne d'Arc, vol. ii. pp. 363, 364 ; 
citing Prods, vol. iii. p. 123). In Prods, vol. iii. p. 122, the 
words, or most of them, are attributed, not to the Voices, but to 
"Midi, who did the preaching." The witness means Erard. 

NOTES 369 

The Voices did not, as in M. France's version, insist on being 
abjured ! 

P. 295, line 10. Prods, vol. iii. p. 123. 

P. 296, line 8. Prods, vol. i. pp. 450-452. 

P. 296, line 15. Prods, vol. ii. p. 14. 

P. 296, line 21. Manchon, Proas, vol. ii. p. 14. 

P. 297, line I. Prods, vol. i. p. 19. 

P. 297, line 6. Apercus Nouveaux, pp. 112, 113. 

P. 297, line 15. Fave, Prods, vol. ii. p. 376. On hearsay. 

P. 297, line 22. Prods, vol. i. p. 453. 

P. 297, line 25. Massieu, Prods, vol. iii. p. 15". 

P. 297, line 28. Marcel, on Simon's evidence, by report ; Prods, vol. iii. p. 89. 

P. 297, line 33. Prods, vol. ii. p. 18. 

P. 298, line 7. Manchon, Prods, vol. ii. p. 14. 

P. 298, line 10. Massieu, Prods, vol. iii. p. 158. 

P. 298, line 23. Prods, vol. i. pp. 455, 456. 

P. 298, line 28. Prods, vol. ii. p. 5. 

P. 298, line 30. Prods, vol. ii. pp. 8, 365: p. 8, "An English lord forced her " ; 

p. 365, he " tried to force her." 

P. 298, line 33. Prods, vol. iii. p. 149. M. France (vol. ii. pp. 377, 378) wishes to 

discard all these sworn reports as to attacks on the modesty of 
Jeanne as mere propos de cloitre et de sacristie. But Jeanne had 
said enough when she said that " it was more lawful and con- 
venient for her to wear man's dress when among men." That 
actual violence had been successfully attempted is not to be credited, 
because of a later remark of her own ; for which, however, the 
evidence is in the posthumous proceedings, and because, in 1456, 
Ladvenu admits that this did not occur, though in 1450 he said 
that it did. 

P. 299, line 1. Proccs, vol. ii. p. 18. 

P. 299, line 7. Prods, vol. i. p. 462. 

P. 299, line 21. Prods, vol. i. pp. 459-467. 

P. 299, line 30. Prods, vol. i. p. 475. 

P. 300, line 4. Prods, vol. ii. p. 14. 

P. 300, line 17. Prods, vol. v. p. 427. 

P. 300, line 22. Prods, vol. i. p. 481 ; Toutmouille, 484 ; Loiselleur, vol. i. p. 484. 

M. France makes Ladvenu and de la Pierre come first, Loiselleur 
and Maurice later (France, vol. ii. pp. 382, 383). This is 

P. 301, line 6. Maurice, Prods, vol. i. p. 480. 

P. 301, line 12. Prods, vol. i. pp. 484, 485. 

P. 301, line 31. Prods, vol. ii. pp. 3, 4. 

P. 301, line 34. Prods, vol. i. pp. 481, 482. 

P. 302, line 8. Prods, vol. i. p. 482. 

P. 302, line 10. Lowell, Joan of Arc, p. 336, note 2. 

P. 302, line 14. Prods, vol. i. p. 483. 

P. 302, line 20. Prods, vol. i. pp. 478, 479. 

P. 302, line 29. Prods, vol. i. p. 483. 

P. 302, line 34. Prods, vol. i. pp. 484, 4S5. 
P. 303, line 2. Prods, vol. i. pp. 484, 485. 


370 NOTES 

P. 303, line 14. Apercus Nouveaux, pp. 140, 141. 

P. 304, line 7. Prods, vol. ii. p. 14. 

P. 305, line 11. Massieu, Prods, vol. ii. pp. 19, 334, vol. iii. pp. 114, 158, 159. 

P. 305, line 19. Riquier, Prods, vol. iii. p. 191. 

P. 305, line 26. Colles, Prods, vol. ii. p. 320. 

P. 306, line 2. Beaurepaire, Recherches sur le Prods, pp. 103, 104. 

P. 306, line 8. Prods, vol. iii. p. 55. 

P. 306, line 16. Fauquemberque, Prods, vol. iv. pp. 459, 460. 

P. 306, line 17. Prods, vol. i. p. 470. 

P. 306, line 27. Massieu, Prods, vol. ii. p. 19. M. Anatole France adds to the re- 
ported words of the Maid these: "She asked the pardon of her 
Judges, of the English, of King Henry, of the English Royal 
Princes," citing Prods, ii. 19, iii. 177 (France, vol. ii. p. 392). 
These texts contain nothing about the kings and princes. 

P. 306, line 31. De la Pierre, Prods, vol. ii. p. 6. 

P. 306, line 32. Massieu, Prods, vol. ii. p. 20. 

P. 306, line 34. Massieu, Prods, vol. ii. p. 20. 

P. 307, line 11. De la Chambre, Prods, vol. iii. p. 53; Marguerie, Prods, vol. iii. 

p. 185. 

P. 307, line 14. Ladvenu, Prods, vol. iii. p. 170, in answer to a special interrogation. 

P. 307, line 17. Bouchier, Prods, vol ii. p. 324; de la Chambre, Prods, vol. iii. p. 53 ; 

Massieu, Prods, vol. iii. p. 159. 

P. 307, line 20. This is attested by seventeen witnesses. 

P. 307, line 24. Massieu, Prods, vol. iii. pp. 159, 160 ; Marguerie, Prods, vol. iii. 

p. 185. 


Abjuration, of Jeanne, 282, 295. 

Angel, Jeanne pronounced "Angel of the 

Lord," 147. 
Armagnac, Bernard, 17. 

(Comte de) his letter to Jeanne, 197-198. 
Armagnacs, nickname of loyal French, 3. 
Armorial Bearings given to Jeanne's 

family, 221. 
Articles, XII, against Jeanne, criti- 
cised, 278-281. 
Artillery, English park of (1428), 65-66. 

Jeanne's skill in, 154. 
Augustins, capture of English fort of, 

Auxerre, Jeanne at, 84, 173. 

people of, bribe La Tremoille, 173. 
Ayroles (R. P.)i °n story of Jeanne and 

Crown at Reims, 181. 
his theory that Jeanne might lawfully 

deny having confessed about her 

Voices, 268. 

Baretta (leader of a company), 228, 229, 

237, 241. 
Basin, Thomas, on the King's secret, 88. 
Basle, Council of, 257. 

Jeanne wishes to appeal to, 275. 
Baudricourt, Robert de, Captain of 
Vaucouleurs, 26. 
relations with Jacques d'Arc, 58. 
approached by Jeanne, 59-62. 
refuses and then accepts Jeanne, 72-81. 
his story of Jeanne's three sons, 274. 
Bauge, battle of, 20. 

Beaufort (Cardinal), brings his Crusaders 
to attack France, 168. 
his troops enter Paris, he leaves, 191. 
weeps at Jeanne's martyrdom, 306. 
Beaugency, Talbot retires to, 143. 

taken by French, 159-168. 
Beaulieu, Jeanne in prison at, 245. 
Beaumarchais, Antoine de la Barre de, 
his view of Jeanne's "pious lunacy," 7. 
Beaupere (Jean) believed the Voices to be 
hallucinatory, 43. 

Beaupere on Jeanne's promise to abjure, 

Beaurevoir, Jeanne's attempts to escape 

from, 248-249. 
Beauvais, Bishop of. See Cauchon. 
Bede,prophecy attributed to, 145, 308-311. 
Bedford, Duke of, Regent of France, 20-24. 
returns to France with an army ( 1427), 24. 
disapproves of attack on Orleans, 65. 
quarrels with Burgundy, 94. 
demands reinforcements for siege of 

Orleans (April 1429), 96. 
angry with Fastolf, 166-167. 
reconciled with Burgundy, 168. 
his evidence to the importance of Jeanne, 

anxiety of, 191. 
takes the offensive, 1 91-193. 
his insulting letter to Charles, 193-194. 
entrusts Burgundy with command of 

Paris, 201. 
his estimate of Jeanne (in 1433), 210-211. 
Blois, Jeanne at, 11 2-1 13. 
Bois Chesnn confused with Merlin's Nemits 

Camitiim, 33-35. 
Boucher, Jacques, host of Jeanne at 

Orleans, 118. 
Boulainvilliers, Perceval de, letter on 
Jeanne, 28. 
on the Voices, 40-41. 
Bourbon, Charles de, cowardice of, at 
Rouvray, 91-93. 
Jacques de, his letter, 169. 
Bourges, Jeanne at, 214. 

people of, do not send money for siege of 

La Charite, 218. 

Brehal (Jean, Grand Inquisitor), declares 

Jeanne orthodox, 278. 

on Bede'sand other prophecies,3io-3ii. 

Bretagne, Due de, sends heralds to 

Jeanne, 171. 
Bruges, Italian news-letter from, 145. 
Bueil, Jean de, author of Lejouvencel, 65. 
on artillery and siege-works, 67-70. 
I Burey, village of, Jeanne at, 72-73. 



Burgundy, Jean, Duke of, 1 6-18. 
Philippe, Duke of, 20. 
withdraws his forces from Orleans, 

pleased by English disasters, 145. 

reconciled with Bedford, 168. 

dupes Charles vii, 187-190 et seq. 

entrusted by Bedford with command of 

Paris, 201. 
suggests plan of campaign (1430), 225- 

opens siege of Compiegne, 235. 
letter on Jeanne's capture, 243. 

Cailly, Guy de, alleged to share a vision 

of Jeanne, I 17- 11 8. 
Catherine de la Rochelle, "a married 

Pucelle," unmasked by Jeanne, 

Saint, of Fierbois, helps captives, 84-85. 
Jeanne's inspirer, passim. 
Cauchon (Pierre, Bishop of Beauvais), 

purchases Jeanne, is to be her Judge, 

with Vice Inquisitor only Judge of 

Jeanne, 256. 
angry with Lohier, 259. 
refuses Jeanne the Mass, 261. 
had he the right to refuse counsel's aid 

to Jeanne ? 262. See notes, 
warned by Jeanne, 263. 
examines Jeanne in her cell, 267. 
offers Jeanne counsel, 273-274. 
refuses to record her appeal to Council 

of Basle, 275. 
tenderly exhorts her, 282. 
arranges public admonition, 283. 
takes opinion as to torturing Jeanne, 285. 
has no right to judge Jeanne, 288. 
his posthumous paper on her last hours, 

Chalons, Jeanne at, 180. 
Champion, Pierre, on Jeanne's band, 227 ; 

on her triumph at Melun, 229. 
Charles VI, his career, 16-19. 
Charles VII, his early life, 17-24. 

handsome or hideous? Indolent or 

energetic? 19. 
on league with Scotland, 75. 
his first meeting with Jeanne, 86-90. 
his secret known to Jeanne, 87-90, 

applauds Jeanne in dispatches, 144. 
enters Troyes, 180. 
his coronation, 183-186. 
desires to desert his campaign, 189 et seq. 
recalls Jeanne from Paris and abandons 

campaign, 209-211. 
ennobles family of Jeanne, 221. 

Charles vn acknowledges that he has 
been duped by Burgundy, 234. 
abandons Jeanne, 243-245. 

Chartier (Alain) on the King's secret, 

Chartres, Regnault de {see Reims, Arch- 
bishop of), fatal to the Maid, 20. 

Chinon, Jeanne at, 82-98. 

Choisy le Bac taken by Burgundy, 235-236. 

Church, question of Jeanne's submission 
to, 271-281. 

Clairvoyance attributed to Jeanne, 62, 78, 


of Jeanne, discovery of sword at Fierbois, 
Clefmont, Barthelemy de, on the " hot 

trod," 53-54. 
Colet de Vienne, King's messenger, 79-81. 
Colette (Saint), compared to Jeanne, 14. 
at Moulins. Queer miracle attributed 

to her, 217. 
resurrection caused by her, 231. 
Commercy, Damoiseau of, levies black- 
mail, 51-52. 
Compiegne comes over to France. Treaty 
of, 196. 
centre of resistance to Anglo- Burgundian 

campaign, 225-227. 
military situation of (May 1430), 234- 

position of Anglo-Burgundians at, 238. 

capture of Jeanne at, 239-245. 

relief of, 245. 
Coronation of Charles VII, Jeanne's 
theory of, 3-4. 

at Reims, 183-186. 
Courcelles, Thomas de, Judge of Jeanne, 
on Loiselleur's treachery, 256. 

votes for torture of Jeanne, 257-258. 

Pius II on, 257-258. 

worms himself into Royal favour, 258. 

his oration in praise of Jeanne, 258. 

editor of Prods, 259. 

compared to Uriah Heep, 259. 

at Rehabilitation cannot remember 
much, 260. 

reads XII Articles against Jeanne, 274. 

condemns her, on strength of the 
Articles, 281. 

his name of blackest infamy, 285. 

evidence of, on June 7, 1430, 302. 
Coutes, Louis de, page of Jeanne, 90. 

on St. Loup, 124, 125. 

describes Jeanne at Pathay, 164-167. 
Cravant, battle of, 20. 
Crepy, Jeanne leaves, for Compiegne, 237. 
Crown, not made by hands, 4. 

curious anecdote of, at Reims, 181. 

Jeanne's alleged falsehoods about 




D'Alencon, Due de, prisoner at Verneuil, 

witness to Jeanne's prophecy of her 

early end, 91. 
his first meeting with Jeanne, 97-98. 
his mother and wife, 149. 
in campaign of the Loire, 149-169. 
evidence of, to Jeanne's soldiership, 154. 
on siege of Jargeau, 156-158. 
describes Jeanne's meeting with Riche- 

mont, 160-164. 
with Jeanne at attack on Paris, 198-21 1. 
apparently not under fire at Paris, 205- 

separated for ever from Jeanne, 212-214. 
D'Arc, Isabelle, called Romee, mother of 

the Maid, 26. 
her pilgrimage to Puy en Velay, no. 
pensioned by town of Orleans, 221. 
D'Arc, Jacques, his position in life, 27-32. 
his dream of Jeanne's departure, 27. 
rents Castle of the Isle, 51. 
relations with Baudricourt, 58. 
his jollity at Reims, 185. 
D'Aulon (Jean, equerry of Jeanne), his 

character, no-Hi. 
on capture of Augustins, 129-130. 
leads victorious attack on Tourelles, 137- 


on Jeanne at St. Pierre le Moustier, 

erroneous account of his debt to La 

Tremoille, 227. Cf. note on. 
captured with Jeanne, 240-241. 
with her in prison, 245. 
on alleged abnormal physique of, 327, 

De Termes, evidence of, to Jeanne's 

soldiership, 154. 
Domremy, description of, 25-26. 
in time of war, 48-57. 
longevity of the people of, 50. 
burned (1428?), 63. 
Jeanne obtains immunity from taxation 

for, 189. 
Du Lys, name of family of d'Arc when 

ennobled, 221. 
Dumas, Dr. Georges, on Jeanne, S-13. 
thinks Jeanne sane, and destitute of 

clear ideas, 8. 
thinks Jeanne inspired by priests, 1 1, 
on her Voices and visions, 237, 238. 
Dunand (Chanoine) on English legend of 

Jeanne, vi. 293. 
on Abjuration, ix. and notes to pp. 290- 

Dunois aids Orleans, 68. 
on the King's secret, 2&. 
wounded at Rouvray, 92-93. 
hears of coming of Jeanne, 94. 

Dunois on English superiority, 112. 
his first meeting with Jeanne, 1 14- 1 1 6. 
brings back army from Blois to Orleans, 

describes Jeanne at the Tourelles, 136- 


sounds the recall, 136. 

fails at Jargeau, 144-145. 

on Jeanne's account of her Council, 

evidence of, to Jeanne's soldiership, 154. 
on Teanne as cause of march to Reims, 

on energy of Jeanne at Troyes, 178. 
on Jeanne's desire to be at home, 192- 

on Jeanne's predictions, 209. 

Ecstasy : no proof of ecstasy in Jeanne, 46. 
Embrun. See Gelu. 

Archbishop of, his rebuke of his King, 
Engelida, forged prophecy of, 310-311. 
England, her artillery for siege of Orleans ; 

forces employed, 66-67. 
English, their treatment of Jeanne's herald 
and summons, 120-126. 
numbers of, at Orleans, 131-132 and 
Erard, Guillaume, Assessor of Cauchon, 

friend of Machet, 257. 
Estivet, "promoter" of charges against 
Jeanne, 261. 
brutality to Jeanne, 263. 
renewed brutality to Jeanne, 264. 
draws up the Seventy Articles, 273. 

Fairies at Domremy, 32-38. 
Fastolf, Sir John, reinforces English at 
Orleans, 70. 
victorious at Rouvray, 92-93. 
bringing reinforcements to Jargeau, 157. 
joins forces with Talbot, 162. 
his flight from Pathay, 166. 
Fauquemberque confirms Jeanne's account 

of attack on Paris, 204-205. 
Fierbois, Jeanne at, chapel book of, 

Fierbois, sword of, 108-109. 
story of its breaking, 210. 
not worn by Jeanne after Lagny, 230. 
Flavy, Guillaume de, holds Compiegne for 
France, 196. 
his precautions during sally of Jeanne, 
Fontaine, de la, an assessor of Cauchon, 

Fournier, awe of Vaucouleurs, hears Jeanne 
in confession, 74. 
exorcises her, 78. 



France, national love of, 3. 
limits of, in 1429, 16. 
affairs of, in 1 427- 1 428, 17-24. 
Jeanne's devotion to, 30. 
M. Anatole, his criticisms, x-xii ; calls 
Jeanne a btguine, 7. 
on Jeanne in legend, 13. 
his Vie de Jeanne a" Arc cited, 7, 8, 10, 

11, 12, 14. 
on veracity of Jeanne, 42. 
on the King's secret, 90. 
on fables by Jeanne, 182, 315, 316. 
on Jeanne's departure from Sully, 227. 
For criticisms on his Vie de Jeanne 
d Arc, see notes, passim. 
Franciscans, Jeanne confesses to, 56. 
Franquet d' Arras, affair of, 229-230. 
Frauds in favour of Jeanne. See 

Fronte, aire" of Domremy, 73« 

Gaucourt(Raoulde) on Jeanne's first meet- 
ing with Charles VI I, 87. 
opposes a sally from Orleans, 127. 

Gelu (Jacques, Archbishop of Embrun), 
his approval of Jeanne, 244. 
rebukes the King for deserting her, 146- 

Germany, news-letters to, 14. 

Gerson, Jean, his favourable verdict on 
Jeanne, 146. 

Giac (favourite of Charles vn) slain, 22. 

Gien, base of army in march to Reims, 

Giresme, Nicole de, his gallantry at the 
Tourelles, 139. 

Glasdale, William, commands in the Tour- 
elles, 69. 
summoned by Jeanne, 122, 125-126. 
Jeanne's pity for his death, 138-139. 

Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of, 19-24. 

Grasset, or Gressart, Pierre de, Captain of 
La Charite, 215-216. 

Gray, John, gaoler of Jeanne, 252. 

Greux, village linked with Domremy, 25. 
church of, 63. 

Gruel (Chronicler) describes Jeanne's meet- 
ing with Richemont, 160-164. 

Hauviette, child-friend of Jeanne, 37, 72. 

Henry v, 17-19. 

Houppeville, Nicolas de, imprisoned for 

befriending Jeanne, 260. 
Hussites, Pasquerel's letter to, 224. 

Inquisitor, Vice, 256-268. 

Instruction, the evidence against Jeanne, 

never made public, 260. 
Isabelle (of Bavaria), 16-19. 
Italy, news-letters to, 14. 

James I (of Scotland), his promise of aid to 

France, 75. 
Jargeau, Suffolk retires to, 143. 

repulses Dunois, 144-145. 

taken by Jeanne and the French, 156- 


Jeanne's Christmas at, 220. 
Jean sans Peur, his career and murder, 

Jean, the Lorainer, famous marksman, 

70-71, 129. 
Jeanne d'Arc, the Flower of Chivalry, 1. 
r hergenius and mission, 1— 15. 
* her conception of her mission, 3-4. 
» her task, her methods, 3-4. 

her foreknowledge of doom, 4. 
«^ her military qualities, 4-6. 

divines the weakness of English, 5. 
v" theories about her, 7-15. 

never mentioned her Voices in confession, 

in legend, 13-15. 

compared with St. Colette, 14. 

disclaimed working miracles, 14. 

probable birthday of (January 6, 1412), 

early associations of, 30-38. 

education of, 30-38. 

what she said of her Voices, 41-47. 

not an ecstatic, 46. 

not "dissociated," 47. 
•'"her early experience of war, 48-57. 

and Franciscans, 56. 

her devotion to Christ, 56-57. 

first approaches Baudricourt, 59-62. 

alleged clairvoyance of, 62. 

at Neufchateau, 63. 

at Toul, 6^. 

her litigious wooer, 63. 

second visit of, to Vaucouleurs, 72-91. 

on prophecy of a maid from Loraine 
marches, 73-74. 

encouraged by Jean de Novelonpont, 

rejects hopes from Scotland, 75. 

her male dress, when first worn, 76. 

renounces plan of walking to Chinon, 76. 

at Nancy, 77. 

exorcised at Vaucouleurs, and why, 78- 

sets out from Vaucouleurs, 81. 

at Chinon, 82-98. 

her beauty, evidence to, 82-83. 

at Fierbois, 84-85. 

enters Chinon, 85-86. 

foretells a death, 86. 

her first meeting with Charles VII, 86-90. 

receives a sign to convince the Dauphin, 

her prophecy, she " will last a year," 91. 



Jeanne d'Arc, meets d'Alencon, 97-98. 
her requests to the Dauphin, 97. 
examined by clergy at Poitiers, 99-106. 
her prophecies at Poitiers, 101. 
at Tours, 106-112. 
her armour, 107-108. 
*-her mystic sword, 108-109. 
ir her standard, III. 
cause of relief of Orleans, 112. 
at Blois, 1 1 2-1 1 3. 
«her plan of entering Orleans, 114- 117. 
her summons to the English, 120-126. 
*^her victories at Orleans, 120-140. 
saves lives of prisoners, 125. 
insulted by Glasdale, 125-126. 
discovers attempt to deceive her, 126-127. 
captures fort of Augustins, 127-130. 
her prophecy of her wound, 130. 
takes the Tourelles, 1 31-140. 
wounded at the Tourelles, 136. 
refuses to let her wound be charmed, 

takes the Tourelles, 137-140. 
declines battle on May 8, 142-143. 
meets King at Tours, 146. 
spoken of as an Angel by Archbishop of 

Embrun, 147. 
«/ personal description of, by Guy de 

Laval, 1 50-151. 
*^her military qualities criticised, 152-155. 
takes Jargeau, 156-158. 
attacks English at Meun, 159. 
meets the Constable, Richemont, 160- 

at victory of Pathay, 1 61-167. 
her pity of wounded at Pathay, 167. 
her insistence on march to Reims, 170- 

at Gien, her impatience there, 171- 173. 
her letter to people of Toumai, 172. 
wishes to attack Auxerre, 173. 
secures capitulation of Troyes, 173-180. 
"stupid: nothing like Madame d'Or," 

meets Brother Richard at Troyes, 179— 

meets Domremy men at Chalons, 180. 
story of Crown held by Archbishop of 

Reims, 181, 182, 183. 
her "fair manners" at the Coronation, 

her letters to Burgundy, 187-188. 
insists on march to Paris, 189 et seq. 
obtains immunity from taxation for 

Domremy, 189. 
her letter to Reims ; she will keep the 

army together, 190-191. 
knows not the place of her death, 192. 
called "a disorderly woman" by 

Bedford, 193-194. 

Jeanne d'Arc, strikes the English palisades 
at Montepilloy, 195-196. 
her sorrow at Compiegne, 197. 
her letter to the Comte d'Armagnac, 

moves against Paris, 198. 
from St. Denys, 199. 
undeceived when the politicians were 

duped, 200. 
her account of attack on Paris con- 
firmed, 203-206. 
wounded under walls of Paris, 206. 
accused of false prophecy at Paris and 

elsewhere, 207-209. 
recalled by the King from Paris, 209-21 1. 
estimate of her importance by Bedford, 

cities won by her for France, 211. 
she is separated for ever from d'Alencon, 
"^her simplicity and piety, 214. 
she has no objective after Paris, 214. 
sent to attack La Charite without money 
and supplies, 214-222. 
»^her strategy after Paris to straiten the 
capital by seizing adjacent towns, 215. 
official recognition of her leadership, 

her victorious courage at St. Pierre le 

Moustier, 216-217. 
at Moulins, 217. 
charges brought against her conduct at 

La Charite, 218-219. 
unmasks Catherine de la Rochelle, 219- 

foolish charge against her of being 

directed by Brother Richard, 220. 
her family ennobled, 221. 
alleged plot of Richemont to seize her, 

her last visit to Orleans, 223. 
her money from the King, her charity, 

her last letters to Reims, 223-225. 
Pasquerel's letter in her name to 

Hussites, 224. 
Burgundy's approval of her strategy, 225. 
leaves Sully for her last campaign, 227. 
why she rode to Lagny, 227. 
!- her unparalleled courage when her Voices 
foretell her capture, 229. 
victory and "miracle" of, at Lagny, 

disclaims working miracles, 231. 
keeps her foreknowledge of her capture 

secret, 233. 
attacks Pont l'Eveque, 235-236. 
at Soissons, 236. 

leaves Crepy for Compiegne, 237. 
her fatal sally and capture, 238-241. 



Jeanne d'Arc, surrendered to no man, 

captivity before Trial, 24I-253. 
her attempt to escape from Beaulieu, 

245 ; from Beaurevoir, her injuries, 

248, 249. 
at Arras, 250. 
sold to the English, receives money from 

Tournai, 250. 
caged and ironed at Rouen, 251-253. 
refuses parole, 252-253. 
her Judges conscious liars and deliber- 
ate murderers, 261. 
summoned her Voices by prayer to God, 

in what sense she took an oath, 262. 
her first illness in prison, 264. 
prophesies English loss of Paris, and of 

all France, 265. 
does not understand the Voices' prophecy 

of her end, 269. 
does not believe herself in mortal sin, 

question of her submission to the Church, 

her prophecy of Treaty of Arras, 272. 
Baudricourt's tale of her three sons to 

be born, 274. 
she will not submit matters of fact to 

the Church, 275. 
her appeal to Council of Basle not re- 
corded, 275. 
orthodoxy of, 277-278. 
not a premature Protestant, 281. 
her abjuration, 282 et seq. 
her second illness in prison, 283-284. 
her courage in face of torture, 284-287. 
on the night before her abjuration, 

her conduct on day of abjuration, 288. 
abjuration, relapse, and martyrdom, 


King's secret, evidence concerning, S7-90. 
supposed to be connected with a crown, 

183, 3I4-323- 

La Charite, the King sends Jeanne to 

attack, without money and supplies, 


strategic reasons for siege of, 215, 225- 


La Colombiere, on a gold medal in honour 

of Jeanne, 183. 
La Hire, relieves Montargis (1429), 65. 
aids Orleans, 68. 
at Rouvray, 92-93. 
leads the van at Pathay, 164-167. 
takes Louviers, near Rouen, 222. 

La Tremoille, Georges de, 22, 64, 97, 98, 
173, 196, 212, 215, 218, 221, 222, 227. 
Lagny, Jeanne rides to, 227. 
Jeanne's victory at, 229-230. 
story of dying child at, 230-232. 
Lassois, Durand, kinsman of Teanne, 
with Jeanne at Vauconleurs and Nancy, 
Laval, Guy de, pronounces Jeanne "all 
divine," 82. 
his letter describing Jeanne, 150-152. 
Le Jouvencel, military romance of 1460, 65. 
Le Maitre, Vice Inquisitor, a timid shave- 
ling, 255-256. 
Legend in relation to history of Jeanne, 


Legends of Jeanne's infancy, 34. 

Light seen by Jeanne not proof of hysteria, 

42, 327. 
Loches, Jeanne at, her account of her 

Council, 148-149. 
Lohier, Jean, his opinion that Jeanne's 

Trial was illegal, 259. 
Loire, campaign of, 149-169. 
Loiselleur, Canon of Rouen, prison spy, 

judge of Jeanne, 256. 
approves of torturing Jeanne, 285. 
on her last hours, 299-304. 
Lorraine, Due de, and Jeanne, 77. 
Louis d'Orleans, his career and murder, 

Louviers, taken by La Hire, 222. 
Luce, Simeon, on the youth of Teanne, 

on prayer, 105. 
Luxembourg, Jean de, at Jeanne's capture, 

sells Jeanne to the English, 251. 
Demoiselles de, their kindness to Jeanne, 


Machet (confessor of Charles vii) ap- 
proves of Jeanne, 102. 
friend of Erard, who insults the King, 257. 
Mackenzie, Sir George of Rosehaugh, on 

trials for witchcraft in Scotland, 254. 
Macon, Robert le, has Jeanne consulted at 

Troyes, 178. 
Macy, Haimond de, his evidence as to 

Jeanne, 247-248. 
Madame d'Or as a rival to Jeanne, 176- 

Manchon, clerk of Cauchon's court, 257. 
on Lohier's boldness, 259. 
does not remember evidence against 
Jeanne being read, objects to method 
of interrogations, 262-263. 
refuses to sign posthumous document, 
300, 303. 



Marguerite la Touroulde, her evidence as 
to Jeanne, 214. 

Marie d' Avignon, her dream, 33, 311. 

Massieu, Jean, says that Jeanne was re- 
fused an advocate, 261. Manchon, on 
the other hand, could not remember 
that Jeanne ever asked for counsel, 
on brutality of Estivet, 263. 
other evidence, 290-293, 299, 304. 

Maurice, Pierre, his sermon to Jeanne, 

Maxey, pro-Burgundian village near Dom- 
remy, 25, 26, 30. 

Melun, comes over to French cause (April 
1430), 226. 
prophecy of Voices at, 228. 

Merlin, his prophecy of a healing maid, 

prophecies of, 145, 308-313. 
Meun attacked and taken, 159-168. 
Meuse, aspect of the river at Domremy, 25. 
Migiet (Prior of Longueville - Giffard) 

approves of XII Articles against 

Jeanne, 281. 
doubts her abjuration, 291, 292 (and 

Miracles, Jeanne disclaimed working 

miracles, 14, 231. 
Montargis, relieved by Dunois, 65. 
Montepilloy, skirmishes at, 194-196. 
Montereau, murder of Jean sans Peur at, 

Montrose (the great Marquis), his loyalty 

like that of Jeanne, 18-19. 
Moulins, Jeanne at, 217. 

Nancy, Jeanne at, 77. 

Neufchateau, Jeanne at, 63. 

Normandy, Jeanne opposed to campaign 

in (1429), 171. 
Novelonpont, Jean de, encourages Jeanne, 

. 74- 

rides with Jeanne to France, 81. 
suggests to Jeanne to wear male dress, 

pays Jeanne's expenses to Chinon, 80. 

Ogiviller, Henri de, squire of Domremy, 

the lady of, 53. 
Orleans, Bastard of. See Dunois. 

Louis, Duke of, 16-18. 

siege of, begins (October 142S), 64. 

folly of English attack on, 65. 

first phase of siege of, 65-71. 

second phase of siege of, 91-96. 

Jeanne's arrival at, 113-119. 

Jeanne's victories at, 120-140. 

people of, burn the drawbridge of the 
Tourelles, 138-139. 

people of, send artillery to Jeanne, 156. 

Orleans, Jeanne's last visit to, 223. 

Charles, Due de, Jeanne's devotion to 
his cause, 72. 
Jeanne predicts his release, 101. 
presents from, to Jeanne, 158-159. 
Orly, Henri de, a reiver, 53. 

Paris, Jeanne predicts recovery of, 10 1. 
should have been attacked after Pathav. 

wavering march on, 1 89- 193. 
attacked, failure of French there, 198- 

anti-English conspiracy at, detected, 224 
endangered in 1430, 225. 
University of, insists on Jeanne's pur- 
chase, 243. 
University of, condemns Jeanne, 285-286. 
Pasquerel (Jeanne's confessor) on a pre- 
diction of hers, 86. 
on the King's secret, 87. 
on Jeanne and Glasdale, 125-126. 
on her prophecy of her wound, 130. 
evidence of, as to Jeanne at the Tourelles, 

writes in Jeanne's name to threaten 
Hussites, 224. 
Pathay, French victory at, 164-167. 
Philippe (le bon) Duke of Burgundy, 16, 
18, 20, 94, 145, 168, 187, 188, 190, 
196, 197, 201, 225-227, 235, 241, 242. 
Pierre, Isambart de la, on Jeanne's appeal 
to Council of Basle, 275. 
approves XII Articles against Jeanne, 
281. J 

Pius 11 on theories about Jeanne, 9. 

his flattering account of Courcelles, 2^7- 
258. D 

Poitiers, the Book of, 44. 
Jeanne examined at, 99-106. 
verdict of examiners at, 104-105. 
Pont l'Eveque, Jeanne attacks, 235-236. 
Pope, Jeanne appeals to, 277, 288. 
Poulengy, Bertrand de, his evidence as to 
Jeanne at Vaucouleurs, 6r. 
pays Jeanne's expenses to Chinon, 80. 
Priests, fraudulent, said to impose her 
mission on Jeanne, 9, 10, 1 1, 12, 97, 
not confided in by Jeanne, 12-13. 
theory of Jeanne as tool of fraudulent 
(see notes), 9-13. 
Prods of 1 43 1, of 1 450- 1 456. Quoted 

pas si?) 1. 
Prophecies as to Jeanne. See "Bede," 
"Merlin,' : "Marie d'Avignon," and 
Pucelles, the so-called group of, 8. 
Puy en Velay, festival at, 109-1 10. 



Quicherat, Jules, on the King's secret, 88- 

pardons faults of youth in Courcelles, 

on Jeanne's supernormal faculties, 329. 

Quoted passim. 

Rabuteau, host of Jeanne at Poitiers, 103. 
Raoul (Mathelin), Jeanne's fighting clerk, 

Rehabilitation, Judges in, on Jeanne's 

orthodoxy, 277-278. 
Reims, importance of Consecration at, 3. 
ride to, and Coronation, 171- 1 86. 
Jeanne's letters to, 189-190. 
from Sully, 223-225. 
Reims, Archbishop of, fatal to the Maid, 
proposes retreat from Troyes, 178. 
curious story of Jeanne and Crown of 

St. Louis, 181-182. 
tries to keep Coronation Medals, 183. 
his infamous desertion of Jeanne, 243- 

Rene d'Anjou, 77, 209. 
Reuilly, Jeanne rests at, 117. 
Richard, Brother, said to direct Jeanne, 

foolish enthusiast, 56. 
his absurdities at Troyes, 175-180. 
patronises Catherine de la Rochelle, 219- 
Richemont, Arthur de, Constable, his 
politics, 21-24. 
desires to join army of Jeanne, 151. 
accounts of his meeting with Jeanne, 

offers of service rejected, 170. 
his plot against La Tremoille, 222. 
Rings, of Jeanne, 56. 
Rogier, Jean, his account of affairs of 

Troyes and Reims, 174-180. 
Rouen, Jeanne brought to, 251-253. 

trial and death of Jeanne there, 254-307. 
Rouvray, Jeanne's clairvoyance of battle 
at, 78-79. 
battle of, 91-94. 
Royer, Henri and Katherine, hosts of 
Jeanne at Vaucouleurs, 72-81. 
Katherine, had heard prophecy of maid 
from marches of Loraine, 74- 
Rymer, errors in his Fcedera, 210, 211. 

Saintrailles, Poton de, aids Orleans, 68. 

at Rouvray, 91-93. 

his diplomacy, 94-95. 

fails at Jargeau, 144-145. 

with Jeanne at Pont l'Eveque, 235-236. 

relieves Compiegne, 245. 
Sala, Pierre, on the King's secret, 89, 321. 

Salisbury, Earl of, his forces for siege of 
Orleans, 66-68. 
his death, 69. 
Science (mediaeval), how it judged Jeanne, 2. 

(modern), on Jeanne, 8-13, 326-330. 
Scotland, hopes from, not believed in by 
Jeanne, 75. 
trials for witchcraft in, 254. 
Scots, at Bauge and Verneuil fights, 20. 
opposed to La Tremoille, 65. 
at Orleans and Rouvray, 91-94. 
in the Parisian conspiracy, 224. 
at Lagny, 229. 
Scott, Michael, miracles wrought for, 85. 
Sir Walter, on boring nature of minute 
historical inquiry, 73. 
Scottish archer, with portrait of Jeanne, 250. 
Secret, the King's, the Voices promise 
knowledge of it to Jeanne, 76. 
evidence concerning, 87-90, 314-324. 
Seguin, on Jeanne at Poitiers, 100-101. 
Sepet (Monsieur Marius) on Jeanne's 

appeal to Council of Basle, 276. 
Shakespeare, on beauty of Jeanne, 82. 
Shepherd, the stigmatic, his fate, 244. 
Sicily, Queen of, declares Jeanne a maiden, 

Soissons betrayed, 236. 
St. Aignan (Patron of Orleans), miracles 

attributed to, 141. 
St. Catherine counsels Jeanne, 44-46. 

curious parallel of, with Jeanne, 209. 
St. Colette, miracle wrought by, 231. 
St. Denys, Jeanne attacks Paris from, 199. 
St. Loup, church of, 71. 

capture of, 123-125. 
St. Margaret, counsels Jeanne, 44-46. 
St. Michael, counsels Jeanne, 44-47. 
St. Nicholas, Jeanne's visit to two shrines 

of, 76-77. 
St. Pierre le Moustier, taken by tenacity 

of Jeanne, 216-217. 
St. Theresa, on her own visions, 325-326. 
Stafford, Earl of, threatens Jeanne with his 

dagger, 252. 
Standard of Jeanne, ill. 

at the Tourelles, 136-137. 
Stewart of Darnley, Sir John, 65. 

at Rouvray, 92-93. 
Stewart, William, at Rouvray, 91-93. 
Suffolk, Earl of, retires to Jargeau, 143. 

surrenders at Jargeau, 157-158. 
Sully, Jeanne's last visit to, 223. 

Jeanne leaves for her last campaign, 227. 
Sword, Jeanne's first, the gift of Baudri- 

court, 81. 
Sword of Fierbois, 108-109. 

story that Jeanne broke it apparently 

erroneous, 210. 
Jeanne does not wear, after Lagny, 230. 



Talbot reinforces Glasdale, 69. 

his tactics at Orleans, 131-133. 

retires to Beaugency, 143. 

his insistence on fighting, 162. 

captured at Pathay, 166. 
Talbot, William, gaoler of Jeanne, 253. 
Termes (Thibaud de) on Jeanne's soldier- 
ship, 154. 
Torture, proposal to torture Jeanne, 284- 

Toul, Jeanne visits, 63. 
Tourelles taken by English, 69. 

the taking of, by the French, 131- 140. 
Tournai, Jeanne's letter to people of, 172. 

sends money to Jeanne in prison, 230. 
Tours, Jeanne at, 106-112. 

Jeanne meets King at, 146. 
Treaty of Arras, Jeanne's prediction of, 

Tremoille, Georges de la. See La Tremoille. 

Varanius (Valeran) does Courcelles' 
panegyric of Jeanne into Latin verse, 
Vaucouleurs, its situation, 26. 
Jeanne's first visit to, 58-64. 
attacked, 63. 
to be surrendered, 80. 
Jeanne's second visit to, 72-81. 
Vend6me, Louis de Bourbon, Comte de, 

introduces Jeanne to the Court, 86. 
Vergy, Antoine de, marches against 

Vaucouleurs, 62, 63. 
Verneuil, battle of, 20. 

Viriville, Vallet de, thinks Jeanne one of 
a "group" of visionary " Pucelles," 


his theory of the King's secret, 90. 

on Madame d'Or, as a Pucelle, 177. 
Voices, never mentioned by Jeanne in con- 
fession, 12-13. 

come to Jeanne, 39-47. 

began four or five years before 1429, 43. 

literary hypothesis that for long they 
only gave moral advice, 43. 

connected with silence of woods or 
sound of bells? Heard in all cir- 
cumstances, 47. 

warn Jeanne of fighting at St. Loup, 

promise knowledge of the King's secret, 

appear to suggest no objective after 
September 1429, 214 et seq. 

warn Jeanne of her capture, 228. 

Jeanne disobeys at Beaurevoir, 248-249. 

summoned by Jeanne through prayer 
to God, 261. 

their over-true prophecy of Jeanne's end, 

with her to the last, 282-307. 

theories about, 327-330. 

Warwick, Earl of, chief gaoler of Jeanne, 

his history, 253. 

his determination to burn Jeanne, 265. 
Windecke, Eberhard, on Jeanne, 146. 
Witchcraft, trials for, in Scotland, 254. 

Printed by Morrison & Gibb Limited Edinburgh